Iklan Aesthetics in Niger: Identity and Adornment from Servility to Self-agency

IF 0.3 3区 艺术学 0 ART
AFRICAN ARTS Pub Date : 2022-08-27 DOI:10.1162/afar_a_00666
C. Becker, Brian Nowak
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

| african arts AUTUMN 2022 VOL. 55, NO. 3 Silver pendants, camel saddles, and leather bags are typically featured in museums and books as examples of Tuareg art. These finely crafted objects were made for upper-status families or so-called nobles by artisans belonging to a class referred to as inaden. Such an approach emphasizes the striking objects commissioned by men and women who held the highest status in Tuareg society but ignores the objects produced by and for people in the lower strata, including the descendants of enslaved people. Commonly referred to as iklan, they constitute a diverse, socially and economically marginalized group with a distinct culture that has driven markets while creating new styles of visual representation. Iklan are referred to as buzu in Hausa and bella in the Songhai language in Niger.1 Since the colonial period, ethnographers have translated the term iklan as “slave” or “captive.” Iklan (sg. akli/ekli) can best be described as a socially stratified group constructed from the descendants of outsiders who found their way into Tuareg society either because they were captured or purchased, or because they joined a Tuareg group in search of protection. As we will see, the very name iklan presents problems of translation and identity, especially in relation to the larger Tuareg society in contemporary Niger. This article provides a nuanced look at Tuareg visual culture by concentrating on how formerly enslaved communities have been forging new identities in the twenty-first century (Fig. 1). It considers how iklan have used visual culture to engage in resistance strategies. As asserted by Michel de Certeau, marginalized groups subvert “rituals, representations, and laws imposed upon them” and transform them into something quite different, deflecting the power of the dominant social order (1984: xiii). It is through this lens that we can understand and interpret iklan aesthetics as “tactics” to gain autonomy from hierarchies of power. We examine the choices contemporary iklan communities, as a historically marginalized population, are making to represent their identity, sometimes adopting elite Tuareg aesthetics, often drawing inspiration from newly available goods in the market, or adopting the aesthetics of neighboring people. These various responses to the abolition of slavery and the breaking down of endogamous social categories reveal how the formerly enslaved use visual culture to negotiate their status and resist against the hierarchies that historically marginalized them. We take a comparative approach and concentrate on two Tamasheq-speaking regions of Niger: the Tillabéri region along the Niger-Burkina Faso border and the Tahoua-Agadez region within Niger (Fig. 2). We explore the different tactics used by iklan in aesthetic expression and consider the various institutions and market forces that have contributed to the refiguring of iklan self-identity. A comparative approach allows for a detailed understanding of how postcolonial economic policies, access to markets, nongovernmental organizations, and societal change have impacted the visual culture of iklan in rural Niger, as they solidify their identities in response to established social hierarchies but also forge new ones far removed from the history of enslavement. This article draws from both independent research and collaborative work on both sides of the Niger-Burkina Faso border, where iklan communities have managed to grow and survive despite multifaceted obstacles.2 The activism of various NGOs in these two areas, as well as the tendency for low-status individuals in Tuareg culture to express their sentiments without reserve, meant that iklan actively shared Iklan Aesthetics in Niger Identity and Adornment from Servility to Self-agency
尼日尔的伊克兰美学:从服务到自我代理的身份与装饰
|2022年非洲艺术秋季第55卷,第3期。银吊坠、骆驼鞍和皮包通常作为图阿雷格艺术的例子出现在博物馆和书籍中。这些精心制作的物品是由一个被称为inaden的阶层的工匠为上层家庭或所谓的贵族制作的。这种方法强调了图阿雷格社会中地位最高的男性和女性委托制作的引人注目的物品,但忽略了下层人民制作的物品,包括被奴役者的后代。他们通常被称为iklan,是一个多元化的、社会和经济边缘化的群体,拥有独特的文化,在创造新的视觉表现风格的同时推动了市场。伊克兰在豪萨语中被称为布祖,在尼日尔的松海语中被指为贝拉。1自殖民时期以来,民族志学家将伊克兰一词翻译为“奴隶”或“俘虏”,或者因为他们加入了图阿雷格人团体寻求保护。正如我们将看到的,伊克兰这个名字本身就存在翻译和身份问题,尤其是与当代尼日尔更大的图阿雷格社会有关。这篇文章对图阿雷格视觉文化进行了细致入微的审视,重点关注了以前被奴役的社区在21世纪是如何形成新身份的(图1)。它考虑了伊克兰如何利用视觉文化参与抵抗策略。正如Michel de Certeau所断言的那样,边缘化群体颠覆了“强加给他们的仪式、表征和法律”,并将其转变为完全不同的东西,从而转移了主导社会秩序的力量(1984:xiii)。正是通过这个镜头,我们才能理解和解释伊克兰美学是从权力等级中获得自主权的“策略”。我们研究了当代伊克兰社区作为一个历史上被边缘化的群体,为了代表他们的身份而做出的选择,有时采用精英图阿雷格美学,通常从市场上新出现的商品中汲取灵感,或者采用邻近人的美学。这些对废除奴隶制和打破一夫多妻制社会类别的各种反应揭示了以前被奴役的人是如何利用视觉文化来协商自己的地位,并抵制历史上使他们边缘化的等级制度的。我们采取比较的方法,重点关注尼日尔的两个讲塔马什克语的地区:尼日尔-布基纳法索边境的蒂拉贝里地区和尼日尔境内的塔霍亚-阿加德兹地区(图2)。我们探讨了伊克兰在美学表达中使用的不同策略,并考虑了促成伊克兰自我认同重塑的各种制度和市场力量。通过比较方法,可以详细了解后殖民经济政策、市场准入、非政府组织和社会变革如何影响尼日尔农村伊克兰的视觉文化,因为它们巩固了自己的身份,以应对既定的社会等级制度,但也塑造了远离奴役历史的新身份。本文借鉴了尼日尔-布基纳法索边境两侧的独立研究和合作工作,尽管存在多方面的障碍,伊克兰社区仍得以发展和生存。2这两个地区的各种非政府组织的积极行动,以及图阿雷格文化中地位低下的个人无保留地表达自己的情感的趋势,意味着伊克兰积极地分享了伊克兰美学在尼日尔的身份和装饰从服务到自我代理
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.50
自引率
33.30%
发文量
38
期刊介绍: African Arts is devoted to the study and discussion of traditional, contemporary, and popular African arts and expressive cultures. Since 1967, African Arts readers have enjoyed high-quality visual depictions, cutting-edge explorations of theory and practice, and critical dialogue. Each issue features a core of peer-reviewed scholarly articles concerning the world"s second largest continent and its diasporas, and provides a host of resources - book and museum exhibition reviews, exhibition previews, features on collections, artist portfolios, dialogue and editorial columns. The journal promotes investigation of the connections between the arts and anthropology, history, language, literature, politics, religion, and sociology.
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