The Imperative of Prosecuting Crimes of Aggression Committed against Ukraine

IF 1.1 Q2 LAW
C. McDougall
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

As a result of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, we are sitting at a crossroads where one path further weakens the prohibition of the use of force and another helps restore its integrity. In this context, this article argues it is imperative that we take all available steps to reinforce the prohibition, and that holding President Putin to account for the crime of aggression holds the key in this regard. The article explains why it is necessary to establish an ad hoc international tribunal to prosecute crimes of aggression committed against Ukraine given the International Criminal Court lacks jurisdiction over any crime of aggression involving a State not party to the Rome Statute, the impossibility of amending the Statute in this instance, and the impediments that will stand in the way of a successful domestic prosecution of the crime of aggression, including immunities enjoyed by those most responsible. Finally, the article addresses the principal objections to the proposed tribunal including its cost (which is overstated and pales in comparison to the mounting cost of the ongoing conflict); its supposed redundancy given efforts to prosecute other serious international crimes committed in Ukraine (which undersells the challenge of holding leaders to account and discounts the value of separately prosecuting aggression); and the concern that the tribunal would represent selective justice (which overlooks the fact that a prosecution of the leaders of one of the world’s most powerful States would help end, rather than exacerbate, international criminal justice’s selectivity problem).
起诉侵略乌克兰罪行的必要性
由于俄罗斯于2022年2月入侵乌克兰,我们正处于一个十字路口,一条道路进一步削弱了对使用武力的禁止,另一条道路有助于恢复其完整性。在这方面,本文认为,我们必须采取一切可能的步骤来加强这一禁令,而追究普京总统对侵略罪的责任是这方面的关键。该条解释了为什么有必要设立一个特设国际法庭来起诉对乌克兰犯下的侵略罪,因为国际刑事法院对涉及非《罗马规约》缔约国的任何侵略罪都没有管辖权,在这种情况下不可能修改《规约》,以及阻碍在国内成功起诉侵略罪的障碍,包括最负责任者享有的豁免。最后,该条阐述了对拟议法庭的主要反对意见,包括其费用(与持续冲突不断增加的费用相比,这被夸大了,相形见绌);考虑到起诉在乌克兰犯下的其他严重国际罪行的努力,其所谓的冗余(这低估了追究领导人责任的挑战,并低估了单独起诉侵略的价值);以及对法庭将代表选择性司法的担忧(这忽略了一个事实,即起诉世界上最强大国家之一的领导人将有助于结束而不是加剧国际刑事司法的选择性问题)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.30
自引率
25.00%
发文量
33
期刊介绍: The Journal of Conflict & Security Law is a thrice yearly refereed journal aimed at academics, government officials, military lawyers and lawyers working in the area, as well as individuals interested in the areas of arms control law, the law of armed conflict (international humanitarian law) and collective security law. The Journal covers the whole spectrum of international law relating to armed conflict from the pre-conflict stage when the issues include those of arms control, disarmament, and conflict prevention and discussions of the legality of the resort to force, through to the outbreak of armed conflict when attention turns to the coverage of the conduct of military operations and the protection of non-combatants by international humanitarian law.
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