West Germany and NATO's Nuclear Force Posture in the Early 1960s (Part 1)

IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY
Andreas Lutsch
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Abstract In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the member-states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) debated whether a counterforce capability of hundreds of mobile medium-range ballistic missiles (MRBMs) under joint command in Europe was needed to reinforce U.S. extended nuclear deterrence. The conventional wisdom about this issue, echoing the official U.S. government position, has long been that deterrence was robust even without a joint missile force. According to this argument, U.S. policymakers tried to reassure NATO allies, particularly the West Germans, that sharing control of strategic nuclear weapons was unnecessary and unwise. The analysis presented here shows that the problem was not so straightforward. Many officials in NATO countries, particularly in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), viewed the MRBM debate not so much as a problem of nuclear weapons control but as a question of extended deterrence credibility and strategic stability, posing an all-or-nothing challenge to NATO.
20世纪60年代初西德与北约的核力量态势(上)
在20世纪50年代末和60年代初,北大西洋公约组织(NATO)成员国就是否需要在欧洲联合指挥下建立数百枚机动中程弹道导弹(mrbm)的反作用力能力来加强美国的延伸核威慑进行了辩论。与美国政府的官方立场相呼应,关于这个问题的传统观点一直认为,即使没有联合导弹部队,威慑也很强大。根据这一观点,美国政策制定者试图安抚北约盟国,尤其是西德,让他们相信共享战略核武器的控制权是不必要和不明智的。这里的分析表明,问题并不是那么简单。北约国家的许多官员,特别是德意志联邦共和国(FRG)的官员,认为中程弹道导弹的辩论与其说是核武器控制的问题,不如说是延伸威慑可信度和战略稳定性的问题,对北约构成了一个全有或全无的挑战。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.20
自引率
0.00%
发文量
44
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