The Ends of Modernization: Nicaragua and the United States in the Cold War Era by David Johnson Lee

IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY
John A. Soares
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

David Johnson Lee’s The Ends of Modernization is a tale of disappointment. Lee examines a variety of domestic and international actors seeking economic and political progress for Nicaragua, starting with the Alliance for Progress in the 1960s and continuing into the 21st century. These hopes were invariably dashed. The Kennedy administration intended for the Alliance to generate technocratic progress and promote democracy to undercut the appeal of Cuban-style revolution in Latin America. Nicaragua achieved economic gains that made it “a star of the Alliance,” but these gains occurred under Anastasio Somoza’s dictatorship, revealing that the Alliance had abandoned its “pretensions of democratization” (p. 10). After Managua’s devastating 1972 earthquake, efforts to rebuild the capital as a modern, planned city only heightened tensions that “helped bring about the last major social revolution of the Cold War” (p. 42). Lee writes that, after the Sandinista-led revolution in 1979, Nicaragua’s leaders “would try to convince the world that a new sort of revolutionary government might be possible, one that combined the models of liberal and social revolution and thus might transcend the Cold War divides” (p. 70). But what Lee finds instead is that the Reagan administration supported the overthrow of the new regime in Nicaragua and “took networks, individuals and ideas that Nicaraguans and their allies had used to make the revolution acceptable to international audiences and turned them to very different ends” (p. 122). After a decade of U.S.-backed guerrilla warfare against the Sandinistas, the ruling party’s electoral defeat in 1990 led to further disappointment during “neoliberal” attempts at economic modernization. Even the restoration of onetime Sandinista Commandante Daniel Ortega in the 2006 presidential election could not alter this tide. Lee’s story ends in 2018 with the collapse of attempts to promote modernization via a new transoceanic canal (funded by China) and with a surge of discontent among Nicaraguans over Ortega’s rule. Even though Lee recounts a long string of disappointments and failures, his book is not disappointing at all. It is thoroughly researched, draws on an impressive range of source material, and is clearly written and forcefully argued. Its compact size (188 pages of text) makes it perfect for classroom use. Its black-and-white illustrations are often startling and dramatic, helping to bring the subject to life. Lee’s emphasis on the intersection of internal Nicaraguan dynamics with the influence of outside actors underscores the challenge facing the people of a small country seeking to find their own path to progress and development and to overcome the obstacles posed by foreign powers, especially the United States and Cuba, both of which have tried to turn Nicaragua to their own purposes. This book recognizes Nicaragua and Nicaraguans as having long and distinctive national traditions in culture and politics; they are not reduced to a subset of East-West confrontation or of North-South negotiation and contestation.
现代化的终结:冷战时期的尼加拉瓜和美国
李的《现代化的终结》是一个令人失望的故事。李考察了寻求尼加拉瓜经济和政治进步的各种国内外行为者,从20世纪60年代的进步联盟开始,一直持续到21世纪。这些希望总是破灭了。肯尼迪政府打算让联盟取得技术官僚的进步,促进民主,以削弱古巴式革命在拉丁美洲的吸引力。尼加拉瓜取得了使其成为“联盟之星”的经济成就,但这些成就发生在阿纳斯塔西奥·索摩查的独裁统治下,表明联盟已经放弃了“民主化的伪装”(第10页)。1972年马那瓜发生毁灭性地震后,将首都重建为一个现代化的、有计划的城市的努力只会加剧紧张局势,“促成了冷战时期最后一场重大社会革命”(第42页)。李写道,在1979年桑地诺领导的革命之后,尼加拉瓜领导人“将试图说服世界,一个新的革命政府可能是可能的,一个结合自由主义和社会革命模式的政府,从而可能超越冷战分歧”(第70页)。但李发现,里根政府支持推翻尼加拉瓜的新政权,并“利用尼加拉瓜人及其盟友用来让国际观众接受革命的网络、个人和思想,并将其转向截然不同的目的”(第122页)。在美国支持的针对桑地诺主义者的十年游击战之后,执政党在1990年的选举失败导致了对经济现代化的“新自由主义”尝试的进一步失望。即使在2006年总统选举中恢复了曾经的桑地诺指挥官丹尼尔·奥尔特加,也无法改变这一趋势。李的故事在2018年结束,通过一条新的越洋运河(由中国资助)促进现代化的努力宣告失败,尼加拉瓜人对奥尔特加统治的不满情绪高涨。尽管李讲述了一长串的失望和失败,但他的书一点也不令人失望。它经过了深入的研究,借鉴了一系列令人印象深刻的原始材料,写得很清楚,论证也很有力。它体积小巧(188页的文本),非常适合在课堂上使用。它的黑白插图往往令人震惊和戏剧性,有助于将主题栩栩如生。李强调尼加拉瓜内部动态与外部行为者影响的交叉点,突显了一个小国人民面临的挑战,他们寻求找到自己的进步和发展之路,克服外国势力,特别是美国和古巴造成的障碍,这两个国家都试图将尼加拉瓜变成自己的目的。本书承认尼加拉瓜和尼加拉瓜人在文化和政治方面有着悠久而独特的民族传统;它们并不是东西方对抗或南北谈判和争论的一个子集。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.20
自引率
0.00%
发文量
44
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