Constraints on multiple dependencies in the left-periphery in European Portuguese

IF 0.2 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS
Pilar P. Barbosa, M. Lourenço-Gomes, Sílvia Araújo, Cecília Castro, E. Athayde
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

This paper focuses on intervention effects obtained by embedding a topic constituent (either a displaced topic or a clitic left-dislocated topic) within the domain of wh-movement. We present the results of two acceptability judgment tests carried out in European Portuguese (EP), which indicate that only a subset of the constructions in which a topic intervenes in the path of wh-movement is judged acceptable by native speakers. The pattern that emerges can be described by the following generalization: (1) A wh-movement dependency may contain a topicalized or clitic left-dislocated constituent in its scope iff the full topic-(cl)-gap dependency is contained within the path of wh-movement. This generalization indicates that a version of the no crossing constraint (e.g., Fodor 1978; Pesetsky 1982) holds in these configurations. We discuss the challenges faced by a purely syntactic account of (1) and suggest that a more promising line of an approach is one that attempts to derive (1) from processing constraints.
欧洲葡萄牙语对左边缘多重依赖关系的约束
本文重点研究了在wh运动域中嵌入主题成分(移位主题或左移位主题)所获得的干预效果。我们介绍了用欧洲葡萄牙语(EP)进行的两次可接受性判断测试的结果,这表明只有一个子集的结构中,一个主题介入了wh运动的路径,才被母语人士判断为可接受。出现的模式可以用以下概括来描述:(1)当整个主题-(cl)-间隙依赖关系包含在wh运动的路径中时,wh运动依赖关系可能在其范围内包含主题化或集团化的左移位成分。这种概括表明,无交叉约束的一个版本(例如,Fodor 1978;Pesetsky 1982)在这些配置中成立。我们讨论了纯句法解释(1)所面临的挑战,并建议一种更有前景的方法是尝试从处理约束中推导(1)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Journal of Portuguese Linguistics
Journal of Portuguese Linguistics LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS-
CiteScore
1.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
11
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