Mismatch between syntax and prosody and complex sentence structure in Hittite

Q1 Arts and Humanities
A. Sideltsev
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

Hittite attests a set of complex sentences in which (mostly) relative clauses (other subordinate clauses are also attested) appear in linear syntax to be within another subordinate (usually conditional, rarely temporal) clause or main clause. The relative clause can be preceded by a very limited array of constituents from the matrix clause, e.g., mān ‘if’ or the quotative particle ⸗wa(r). There are also examples which attest the conditional subordinator and the irrealis particle in two positions simultaneously, at the left edge of the whole sentence and in the conditional clause (= main clause for the relative clause). I provide a fine-grained descriptive and structural analysis of the structure and show that the type cannot be explained as bare indefinites, embedded relative clauses or parenthetic clauses. It is shown that, structurally, the sentences containing subordinate (mostly relative) clauses within other clauses are heterogenous and of three types. The difference lies in the elements that precede the relative clause and in the structure of the sentences, whereby a standard Hittite relative clause adjoins at different heights. All three types display the same mismatch between prosodic domains and syntax/semantics—the constituent that is part of the main clause from the semantic and syntactic perspective is prosodically part of the relative clause. Since there is a clause boundary delimiting the end of the subordinate clause within the main clause, it makes sense to treat the surface structure as a distinct taxonomic unit, which is correspondingly labelled a mismatch sentence. The new evidence allows us to obtain a fuller understanding of the Hittite left periphery than was previously possible. It thus offers an important window into hitherto unrecognized aspects of the underlying structure of the complex sentence in Hittite.
赫梯语句法韵律不匹配,句子结构复杂
Hittite证明了一组复杂的句子,其中(大多数)关系从句(其他从句也被证明)在线性句法中出现在另一个从属从句(通常是条件从句,很少是时间从句)或主句中。关系从句的前面可以有一个非常有限的矩阵从句的组成部分,例如,mān ' if '或引语粒子⸗wa(r)。还有一些例子可以同时在两个位置证明条件从句和非现实助词,在整个句子的左边缘和条件从句中(=关系从句的主句)。我对结构进行了细致的描述和结构分析,并表明这种类型不能被解释为纯粹的不定词、嵌入的关系从句或插入从句。结果表明,从结构上看,从属(多为关系)分句在其他分句中的句子具有异质性和三种类型。不同之处在于关系分句之前的元素和句子的结构,因此一个标准的赫梯关系分句在不同的高度相连。这三种类型在韵律域和语法/语义之间都表现出同样的不匹配——从语义和句法的角度来看,属于主句的成分在韵律上也是关系句的一部分。由于在主句中有一个子句边界来界定从句的结尾,因此将表面结构视为一个不同的分类单位是有意义的,相应地将其标记为不匹配句。新的证据使我们能够比以前更全面地了解赫梯人的左边缘。因此,它提供了一个重要的窗口,到目前为止,赫梯语复句的潜在结构的未知方面。
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来源期刊
Indo-European Linguistics
Indo-European Linguistics Arts and Humanities-History
CiteScore
1.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
5
审稿时长
20 weeks
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