Discourse and Pragmatic Functions of the Dalabon ‘Ergative’ Case-marker*

IF 0.4 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS
Ellison Luk, Maïa Ponsonnet
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

This article discusses the distribution and function of a suffix that has been labelled ‘ergative’ in the literature on Dalabon, a Gunwinyguan (non-Pama-Nyungan) language of south-western Arnhem Land. Our first-hand data reveal that although this marker (-yih) more frequently occurs on A arguments of multivalent clauses, it also appears with significant frequency on S arguments of monovalent clauses, particularly with the verb root yin ‘to say, to think, to do’. We explain this non-canonical distribution with a co-dependent analysis of its discourse and pragmatic functions, summarized by the principle ‘mark out the unexpected referent’, following McGregor’s Expected Actor Principle. These functions differ slightly according to clause type. For both types, the marker has a discourse function of ‘mark out the non-topical referent’: either an A argument that sufficiently threatens the construal of local topics, or an S referent after a long period of deferred topichood (particularly speaker referents). The marker also has a correlating pragmatic function of ‘mark out the contrary referent’: either an A participant acting against the motivations and expectations of other (topical) referents (or of the speaker), or an S participant with an unusual stance or speech content.
Dalabon否定格标记语的语篇和语用功能*
本文讨论了在阿纳姆地西南部的一种贡维尼关语(非帕马语)Dalabon的文献中被标记为“作格”的后缀的分布和功能。我们的第一手数据表明,尽管这个标记(-yih)更频繁地出现在多价从句的A自变量上,但它也以显著的频率出现在单价从句的S自变量上,尤其是在动词词根音“说、想、做”的情况下。我们根据麦格雷戈的预期行动者原则,通过对其话语和语用功能的共同依赖分析来解释这种非规范分布,该分析由“标出意外指称”原则总结。这些函数根据子句类型略有不同。对于这两种类型,标记语都具有“标记出非主题指称”的话语功能:要么是充分威胁到本地主题的解释的a论点,要么是经过长时间推迟的主题选择(特别是说话者指称)后的S指称。标记物还具有“标记相反的指称对象”的相关语用功能:a参与者违背其他(主题)指称对象(或说话者)的动机和期望行事,或者S参与者立场或言语内容不同寻常。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
10
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