Political Logic of the “Municipal Filter” in Russia: Evidence from Perm Krai 2020 Elections

IF 0.7 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE
V. Kovin, A. Semenov
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

In this paper, we investigate the endorsement strategies of municipal council members in Russia. Since 2012, the candidates for chief executive office are required to collect the signatures at the local level. Filtering had been an important political toll before the return of direct gubernatorial elections, however, for the latter there are specific requirements in terms of territorial quotas and coverage that can be used against the independent candidates. We theorize that partisanship, gender, and employment sector on individual level and political competition, population size, and budget autonomy on the municipality level are important in shaping the councilmembers’ decision. We test this theory against the data on 2020 Perm krai gubernatorial elections and find out that while the general pattern is largely in line with our expectations, there are nuances when it comes to supporting particular opposition candidates. This study contributes to the literature on electoral authoritarianism and subnational elections in Russia and to the general scholarship on the means of authoritarian control.
俄罗斯“市政过滤器”的政治逻辑:来自彼尔姆边疆区2020年选举的证据
本文以俄罗斯市议会议员的支持策略为研究对象。自2012年以来,行政长官候选人必须收集地方一级的签名。在恢复直接省长选举之前,过滤是一个重要的政治代价,但是,对于直接省长选举来说,在领土配额和覆盖范围方面有具体的要求,可以用来对付独立候选人。我们的理论是,党派关系、性别、个人层面的就业部门和政治竞争、人口规模、市政自治层面的预算自治对形成议员的决定很重要。我们用2020年彼尔姆边疆区(Perm krai)州长选举的数据来检验这一理论,发现虽然总体模式在很大程度上符合我们的预期,但在支持特定反对派候选人方面存在细微差别。这项研究有助于研究俄罗斯选举威权主义和地方选举的文献,以及关于威权控制手段的一般学术研究。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Russian Politics
Russian Politics Arts and Humanities-History
CiteScore
1.50
自引率
12.50%
发文量
19
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