A Troubled Birth: The 1930s and American Public Opinion

IF 0.5 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY
Shannon C. McGregor
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

rules it encompasses are an alternative pathway to incrementally moving up the social ladder. To highlight the moral norms surrounding the cultural practices, Hashemi shows that the ability to be seen as economically self-sufficient, responsible, and hardworking is crucial for young men and women to prove their worth to others in the community. For young men, it helps to be seen as ‘‘man enough’’ to gain more opportunities for well-paid jobs; for young women, while economic deprivation is the primary driver of their initial entry into the labor force, the appeal of work is that it enables them to be seen as good and competent daughters and wives. Hashemi shows that the facesavers take calculated steps to lower the risk of being exposed as poor and present a middle-class front to others by manipulating their mannerisms and physical appearance. By presenting themselves as ba kelas (someone with class and moral character) and as belonging to middle-class society, face-savers are able to extend their networks to the world of the middle-class. At the same time, these young men and women use the public discourse of proper Islamic citizens, produced in the Iranian public sphere, to prove themselves morally pure citizens and differentiate themselves from morally impure others in order to gain jobs and access to significant others. For Hashemi, ‘‘facework’’ provides a low-cost, highimpact tactic to improve one’s lot in life in contemporary Iran, but it also leads to the embodiment of the moral dispositions endorsed by the game through daily practice. Despite the fact that the author’s approach provides her with a vantage point to view the cultural practices of everyday life beyond the macro-politics of the state, it ignores the impact of significant political turbulences such as the 2009 Green Movement and subsequent protests on the lived experiences of low-income Iranian youth. This becomes more important when we realize recent protests in Iran have moved geographically and discursively from middle-class Tehran to the marginalized neighborhoods in provincial towns in reaction to increasing economic hardship. However, students and scholars in the fields of sociology and Middle Eastern and Iranian studies will find the content of the book intriguing in that it offers a fresh approach and sheds light on the complexity of life shaped not only by poverty and hardship, but also by acceptance, hope, and the promise of a better life.
麻烦的出生:20世纪30年代与美国舆论
它所包含的规则是一种逐步向上提升社会阶梯的替代途径。为了强调围绕文化实践的道德规范,哈希米表明,被视为经济自给自足、负责任和勤奋的能力对于年轻男女向社区中的其他人证明自己的价值至关重要。对于年轻男性来说,被视为“足够”有助于获得更多高薪工作的机会;对于年轻女性来说,虽然经济匮乏是她们最初进入劳动力市场的主要驱动力,但工作的吸引力在于,它使她们能够被视为优秀和称职的女儿和妻子。哈希米表明,这些爱面子的人会采取精心策划的措施,通过操纵自己的举止和外表,降低暴露为穷人的风险,并向他人展示中产阶级的形象。通过将自己塑造成巴卡拉(一个有阶级和道德品质的人)和中产阶级社会的一员,面子储蓄者能够将他们的网络扩展到中产阶级的世界。与此同时,这些年轻男女利用伊朗公共领域产生的适当伊斯兰公民的公共话语,证明自己在道德上是纯洁的公民,并将自己与道德上不纯洁的他人区分开来,以获得工作和接触重要他人的机会。对哈希米来说,“面子”提供了一种低成本、高影响力的策略,可以改善当代伊朗的生活,但它也通过日常实践体现了游戏所认可的道德倾向。尽管作者的方法为她在国家宏观政治之外看待日常生活的文化实践提供了一个有利的视角,但它忽略了2009年绿色运动和随后的抗议活动等重大政治动荡对低收入伊朗青年生活经历的影响。当我们意识到伊朗最近的抗议活动已经从德黑兰的中产阶级转移到了省城的边缘化社区,以应对日益严重的经济困难时,这一点变得更加重要。然而,社会学、中东和伊朗研究领域的学生和学者会发现这本书的内容很有趣,因为它提供了一种新的方法,揭示了生活的复杂性,不仅是由贫困和苦难塑造的,也是由接受、希望和对美好生活的承诺塑造的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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0.20
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