{"title":"The Violence of Citizenship in the Making of Refugees","authors":"María Josefina Saldaña-Portillo","doi":"10.1215/01642472-7794343","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"DOI 10.1215/01642472-7794343 © 2019 Duke University Press Sixtynine thousand unaccompanied minors from Central America crossed the USMexico border in 2014.1 This dramatic spike in numbers retrospectively marked the beginning of the refugee crisis that continues unabated through today’s “zero tolerance” policy under the Trump administration. This crisis makes evident several artificial boundaries: between the United States and its “enemies” to the south, between private reproductive labor and public productive labor, and between academic fields like African American and Latinx studies. The Mara Salvatrucha gangs in Central America, singled out by Trump as a supreme threat to US sovereignty and security, grow in dominance by providing transportation and distribution services between South American drug producers and their US and Canadian consumers. The cycle of drug production, distribution, and consumption is a transnational affair and cannot be reduced to a binational problem resolved by simply sealing off the USMexico border. The Maras belie a temporal boundary as well, set between the Cold War past of the United States and its neoliberal present, as they embody the traumatic legacy of USbacked military dictatorships and neocolonial intervention in Central America. Most significant, Central American violence demonstrates the artificiality of bounded citizenship and its liberal promise of security within nationstate sovereignties, as refugees arriving at the US border requesting asylum make evident the contingent nature of our security on their insecurity. The specifically gendered nature of the violence they flee contradicts the publicprivate divide by foregrounding the centrality of reproductive labor for the global drug economy. Finally, The Violence of Citizenship in the Making of Refugees","PeriodicalId":47701,"journal":{"name":"Social Text","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2000,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"5","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Social Text","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1215/01642472-7794343","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"CULTURAL STUDIES","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 5
制造难民过程中的公民暴力
2014年,来自中美洲的六万九千名无人陪伴的未成年人越过美墨边境。这一数字的急剧上升标志着难民危机的开始,在特朗普政府今天的“零容忍”政策下,难民危机仍有增无减。这场危机使几个人为的界限变得明显:在美国和南方的“敌人”之间,在私人生殖劳动和公共生产劳动之间,在非裔美国人和拉丁裔研究等学术领域之间。中美洲的Mara Salvatrucha团伙被特朗普列为对美国主权和安全的最大威胁,通过在南美毒品生产商和美国和加拿大消费者之间提供运输和分销服务,该团伙的统治地位日益增强。毒品生产、分销和消费的循环是一个跨国事务,不能简化为仅仅通过封锁美墨边境就能解决的两国问题。马拉斯家族也认为,在美国冷战时期的过去和新自由主义时代之间存在着一个时间界限,因为他们体现了美国支持的军事独裁统治和中美洲新殖民主义干预的创伤性遗产。最重要的是,中美洲的暴力表明了有限公民身份及其在国家主权范围内的自由安全承诺的人为性,因为抵达美国边境请求庇护的难民表明,我们的安全对他们的不安全具有偶然性。他们所逃离的暴力的特殊性别性质与公私分裂相矛盾,因为它突出了全球毒品经济中生殖劳动的中心地位。最后,《难民形成过程中的公民暴力》
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