Italian diplomacy and the Ukrainian crisis: the challenges (and cost) of continuity

IF 2.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE
E. Brighi, S. Giusti
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

ABSTRACT This article seeks to analyse the Italian diplomatic response to the Ukrainian crisis. To this end, the article relies on role theory to understand how Italy’s diplomatic posture during the war was influenced by the expectations deriving from its EU and NATO membership, but also by the different role conceptions emerging in the public debate. Though Italy under its Prime Minister, Mario Draghi, not only responded to but effectively led European strategy towards Ukraine during the crisis – including supporting Ukraine’s membership bid – on the internal front the country was polarized, unwilling to push for further punishment of Russia in view of its economic reverberations, but also questioning military involvement in the war in Ukraine. After a failed attempt to reconcile external expectations and domestic preferences, centred around Italy’s sponsorship of a ‘peace plan’ for Ukraine, the tension between the two sets of influences intensified to the point of precipitating the end of the Draghi government in July 2022, with Italy’s response to the Ukrainian crisis invoked as one of the main causes of the government’s fall. Although the right-wing alliance of political parties that won the ensuing general elections campaigned on a populist and nationalist, ‘Italy first’, platform, the country’s posture towards the war in Ukraine has not really changed – under its current Prime Minister, Giorgia Meloni, Italy has continued to align with the multilateral expectations set by the EU and the US. The differences in foreign policy outlook within the current governing coalition, however, are not insignificant, and public opinion continues to be divided. This suggests that the tension underlying Italy’s foreign policy in the Ukraine crisis has not been resolved – in fact, it could still potentially undermine the country’s diplomatic posture, as well as the government’s own stability, in the months to come.
意大利外交和乌克兰危机:连续性的挑战(和代价)
本文旨在分析意大利对乌克兰危机的外交反应。为此,本文依靠角色理论来理解意大利在战争期间的外交姿态是如何受到其欧盟和北约成员国身份所产生的期望的影响,以及公众辩论中出现的不同角色概念的影响。尽管在总理马里奥·德拉吉(Mario Draghi)的领导下,意大利在危机期间不仅回应了欧洲对乌克兰的战略,而且还有效地领导了欧洲对乌克兰的战略——包括支持乌克兰加入欧盟——但在国内,意大利却出现了两极分化,考虑到俄罗斯在经济上的影响,意大利不愿推动进一步惩罚俄罗斯,而且质疑军队参与乌克兰战争。以意大利赞助乌克兰“和平计划”为中心,在试图调和外部期望和国内偏好失败后,两组影响之间的紧张关系加剧,导致德拉吉政府于2022年7月结束,意大利对乌克兰危机的反应被认为是政府垮台的主要原因之一。尽管右翼政党联盟在随后的大选中以民粹主义和民族主义“意大利优先”为竞选纲领,但意大利对乌克兰战争的态度并没有真正改变——在现任总理乔治娅·梅洛尼(Giorgia Meloni)的领导下,意大利继续与欧盟和美国设定的多边期望保持一致。然而,当前执政联盟内部在外交政策前景上的分歧并非微不足道,公众舆论继续存在分歧。这表明,在乌克兰危机中,意大利外交政策背后的紧张局势尚未得到解决——事实上,在未来几个月,它仍有可能破坏意大利的外交姿态,以及政府自身的稳定。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Contemporary Italian Politics
Contemporary Italian Politics Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
4.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
40
期刊介绍: Contemporary Italian Politics, formerly Bulletin of Italian Politics, is a political science journal aimed at academics and policy makers as well as others with a professional or intellectual interest in the politics of Italy. The journal has two main aims: Firstly, to provide rigorous analysis, in the English language, about the politics of what is one of the European Union’s four largest states in terms of population and Gross Domestic Product. We seek to do this aware that too often those in the English-speaking world looking for incisive analysis and insight into the latest trends and developments in Italian politics are likely to be stymied by two contrasting difficulties. On the one hand, they can turn to the daily and weekly print media. Here they will find information on the latest developments, sure enough; but much of it is likely to lack the incisiveness of academic writing and may even be straightforwardly inaccurate. On the other hand, readers can turn either to general political science journals – but here they will have to face the issue of fragmented information – or to specific journals on Italy – in which case they will find that politics is considered only insofar as it is part of the broader field of modern Italian studies[...] The second aim follows from the first insofar as, in seeking to achieve it, we hope thereby to provide analysis that readers will find genuinely useful. With research funding bodies of all kinds giving increasing emphasis to knowledge transfer and increasingly demanding of applicants that they demonstrate the relevance of what they are doing to non-academic ‘end users’, political scientists have a self-interested motive for attempting a closer engagement with outside practitioners.
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