When voting turnout becomes contentious repertoire: how anti-ELAB protest overtook the District Council election in Hong Kong 2019

IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE
M. Shum
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引用次数: 9

Abstract

Abstract Under what conditions can voting turnout be transformed into a contentious repertoire? Based on the two case studies of the Umbrella Movement and the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill movement in Hong Kong, I compare how movement actors used the electoral arena to leverage their causes. I propose a new relationship between street and electoral politics – short-term mobilization that turns voting turnout into a contentious repertoire. I posit three necessary scope conditions for movements to perceive this electoral strategy as viable: (1) protest cycle precedes and/or overlaps with the electoral period, (2) election perceived to be competitive, and (3) closing of political opportunity window for street mobilization. I further argue that the tactics movements pursue in the electoral arena is conditional on the relationship between movement actors and political elites, and regime type. In democratic regimes where parties and elections are institutionalized and less volatile, movements are on a more solid ground to invest in a long-term electoral strategy with existing parties. Contrarily, electoral competition in authoritarian regimes tends to skew toward incumbent's advantage. Movement activists and political elites may seek short-term strategic mobilizations focusing on the election at hand rather than a long-term plan. This argument illuminates the common ground between collective action and voting, and thus bridging the two sets of literature for further engagement, as recent movements such as the Black Lives Matter and the Sunrise Movement in the United States and Navalny's anti-Putin movement in Russia are mobilizing their supporters to take on the electoral arena.
当投票率成为有争议的曲目时:2019年香港区议会选举中反ELAB抗议如何超越
在什么条件下投票率可以转化为一个有争议的剧目?我以雨伞运动和香港《反引渡法修正案》运动为个案,比较运动参与者如何利用选举舞台来撬动他们的诉求。我建议在街头政治和选举政治之间建立一种新的关系——短期动员将投票率变成一种有争议的手段。我假定运动认为这种选举策略是可行的三个必要的范围条件:(1)抗议周期先于和/或与选举期重叠,(2)选举被认为是竞争性的,(3)街头动员的政治机会窗口关闭。我进一步认为,运动在选举舞台上采取的策略取决于运动参与者与政治精英之间的关系,以及政权类型。在政党和选举制度化且不那么动荡的民主政体中,运动有更坚实的基础,可以与现有政党一起投资于长期选举战略。相反,专制政权的选举竞争往往倾向于现任者的优势。运动积极分子和政治精英可能会寻求短期战略动员,专注于眼前的选举,而不是长期计划。这一论点阐明了集体行动和投票之间的共同点,从而将两种文献联系起来,以便进一步接触,因为最近的运动,如美国的“黑人的命也是命”和“日出运动”,以及俄罗斯纳瓦尔尼的反普京运动,正在动员他们的支持者走上选举舞台。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
30
期刊介绍: The Japanese Journal of Political Science is a broadly based journal aiming to cover developments across a wide range of countries and specialisms. Its scope is wide-ranging both in terms of subject matter and method. The journal features articles in all fields of political science, especially where these have a conceptual thrust including political theory, comparative politics, political behaviour, political institutions, public policy, and international relations. At the same time, the journal seeks to attract the best comparative articles featuring both the domestic and international politics of Japan and East Asia. Each issue contains full length research articles, review articles and book reviews.
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