“Gender-Critical” Discourse as Disinformation: Unpacking TERF Strategies of Political Communication

IF 1.4 Q2 COMMUNICATION
Thomas J. Billard
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

I was conducting fieldwork for my forthcoming book at the National Center for Transgender Equality (NCTE) in Washington, DC, when the infamous rapid-onset gender dysphoria (ROGD) article was published in PLOS One by Brown University public health scholar Lisa Littman in August 2018 (Billard, 2024). The gist of the article was that transgender identity is a “social contagion” spread among emotionally vulnerable youth who declare trans identities in order to be special or (conversely) to be trendy, or as a cry for help, but who are not actually trans. The article was quickly and near-universally declared illegitimate by members of the scholarly community on both theoretical and methodological grounds (see, e.g., Ashley, 2020; Bauer, Lawson, & Metzger, 2022; Coalition for the Advancement and Application of Psychological Science, 2021; Restar, 2020). But much like the 1998 Andrew Wakefield et al. study that set off a misinformed panic about the connection between measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccines and autism—which persists still today—the widespread discrediting of the research’s claims did nothing to prevent the study from being taken up by zealots as “proof” that “transgender ideology” (Faye, 2022) is a dangerous force that must be stopped. Within days of the study’s initial publication, it was being shared in disparate corners of the anti-trans Internet on both sides of the Atlantic—from neofascist YouTubers in the United States to British women’s networks in the ostensible parent support community Mumsnet (Kesslen, 2022; Lewis, 2019). From there, the “debate” over ROGD spread to the mass media and to state and national political parties, where it continues to inform how opponents of transgender rights justify everything from outlawing the provision of transgender health care to opposing the United Kingdom’s Gender Recognition Act (Billard, 2022; Johnson, 2022; Pearce, Erikainen, & Vincent, 2020b). The weaponization of recognized misinformation to oppose transgender rights that we see in the case of ROGD is not unique. In fact, it is typical. During the two years I was at NCTE, I observed situation after situation in which misinformation about transgender issues was mobilized for the sole purpose of justifying opposition to the rights— and often the very existence—of trans people. In the intervening years, I have witnessed it countless times. Misinformation—or, more specifically, disinformation—about trans topics has become the defining feature of public discourse on transgender rights. What the ROGD case illustrates particularly well, however, is the complex dynamics
作为虚假信息的“性别批判”话语:解读政治传播的TERF策略
2018年8月,当布朗大学公共卫生学者丽莎·利特曼(Lisa Littman)在《公共科学图书馆·综合》(PLOS One)上发表那篇臭名昭著的快速发作性性别焦虑症(ROGD)文章时,我正在华盛顿特区的国家跨性别平等中心(NCTE)为我即将出版的书进行实地调查(Billard, 2024)。这篇文章的主旨是,跨性别身份是一种“社会传染病”,在情感脆弱的年轻人中传播,他们宣布跨性别身份是为了变得特别,或者(相反地)时髦,或者是为了寻求帮助,但他们实际上并不是跨性别者。这篇文章很快就被学术界成员从理论和方法上普遍宣布为非法(参见,例如Ashley, 2020;Bauer, Lawson, & Metzger, 2022;心理科学发展与应用联盟,2021;Restar, 2020)。但是,就像1998年安德鲁·韦克菲尔德等人的研究引起了人们对麻疹、腮腺炎和风疹(MMR)疫苗与自闭症之间联系的误解恐慌一样,这种恐慌一直持续到今天,对该研究主张的广泛质疑并没有阻止该研究被狂热者当作“证据”,证明“跨性别意识形态”(Faye, 2022)是一种必须制止的危险力量。在这项研究最初发表的几天内,它就在大西洋两岸反跨性别互联网的不同角落被分享——从美国的新法西斯主义youtube用户到英国表面上支持父母的社区Mumsnet中的女性网络(Kesslen, 2022;刘易斯,2019)。从那时起,关于变性人权利的“辩论”蔓延到大众媒体以及州和国家政党,并继续告知反对变性人权利的人如何为所有事情辩护,从禁止提供变性人医疗保健到反对英国的性别承认法案(Billard, 2022;约翰逊,2022;皮尔斯,Erikainen, & Vincent, 2020b)。我们在ROGD案例中看到的,将公认的错误信息武器化以反对跨性别者权利的做法并非个例。事实上,它是典型的。在NCTE的两年里,我观察到一个接一个的情况,关于跨性别问题的错误信息被动员起来,唯一的目的是为反对跨性别者的权利辩护——通常是反对跨性别者的存在。在这期间,我见证了无数次。关于跨性别话题的错误信息——或者更具体地说,虚假信息——已经成为关于跨性别权利的公共话语的决定性特征。然而,ROGD案例特别好地说明了复杂的动态
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21
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