Rhetoric and/of the Common(s)

IF 1.1 2区 文学 Q3 COMMUNICATION
E. Hartelius
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

The first years of the 2020s have provided reasonable doubt as to what “common” means. What is common place when accessible locations become scenes of oppressive violence, and physical and digital sites are privatized and surveilled? What is common sense when the dread and fear of so many are eclipsed by the postpandemic rhetoric of “resilience” and commercialism’s bubblegum optimism? What is common good when legal and civil rights are stripped, and the institutions originally established to serve the public are dismantled? In Richard Rorty’s assessment of the public (and privately self-created) potential for solidarity, common sense is the opposite of irony (74), and the ironist “someone sufficiently historicist and nominalist to have abandoned the idea that those central beliefs and desires refer back to something beyond the reach of time and chance” (xv). The “final vocabulary” against which “alternative” beliefs, actions, and lives are judged habituates its speakers to what may be taken for granted (although speaker is not Rorty’s word). He writes, “When common sense is challenged, its adherents respond at first by generalizing and making explicit the rules of the language game they are accustomed to play” (74). The issue at hand (in this [special] issue at hand) concerns language games, habituation, the common, and the commons. Assessing the ethical viability of “political interlocution,” Jacques Rancière writes, “The problem is knowing whether the subjects who count in the interlocution ‘are’ or ‘are not,’ whether they are speaking or just making a noise. It is knowing whether there is a case for seeing the object they designate as the visible object of the conflict. It is knowing whether the common language in which they are exposing a wrong is indeed a common language” (50). For Rancière, a prior “logos that orders and bestows the right to order” (16) constitutes subjects as such in relation to other subjects. And this inaugurates legitimate and disruptive dispute, distinguishable from the “sundry varieties of bad regimes” (63–64) of which examples globally abound. Interlocution, including dispute, presumes the constitution of commonality, which means that it is a political matter. Rancière’s understanding of speech as political order raises questions of particularity and commonality, or the possibility of the commons, common ground, commonsense, and so on. With reference to the problem he identifies, the questions may be opened, angled, and thusly expressed: If subjects “are not,” as in the problem statement above, what exactly are they, and to whom are they that? If not one common language, then how many common languages are there, and where are they spoken? To whom are they audible and intelligible? What if the commoners’ bodies and living artifacts are themselves the objects of conflict? And, what are the rhetorics of noise? Mainstream academic accounts of what “the commons” are often begin Anglocentrically with the story of seventeenth-century land enclosures prompting the Magna Carta, pivot to contemporary privatizations of public land and natural resources, pan outward to centuries of violent global colonization of Indigenous lands and peoples, then draw a comparison between the proprietary management of natural resources and cultural artifacts, particularly in a digitally networked era. As historian Peter Linebaugh notes, however, “From the quaint village commons to the cosmic commons of the electromagnetic spectrum, from the medieval subsistence economy to the general intellect, no term has been simultaneously so ignored and so contentious” (303). The commons are not a substance or place but a live aggregate and practice, or “evolving models of self-provisioning and stewardship that combine the economic and the social, the collective and the personal” (Bollier 4–5). The life of the commons, the “aggregate and practice,” is irreducible in its complexity; rather than a simple ideal, it comprises conflicts and alliances, compromises and persistence, joy and suffering, exclusions and inclusions.
修辞和/或普通
本世纪20年代的头几年,人们对“普通”的含义产生了合理的怀疑。当可进入的地方成为压迫性暴力的场景,实体和数字网站被私有化和监控时,常见的是什么?当如此多的人的恐惧和恐惧被大流行后的“韧性”修辞和商业主义的泡泡糖乐观主义所掩盖时,常识是什么?当法律和公民权利被剥夺,最初为公众服务的机构被拆除时,什么是共同利益?在理查德·罗蒂(Richard Rorty)对公众(和私人自我创造的)团结潜力的评估中,常识是反讽(74)的对立面,反讽主义者“是一个充分的历史主义者和唯名论者,他们已经放弃了那些中心信仰和欲望指向时间和机会所无法企及的东西的想法”(xv)。生活被评判使它的说话者习惯于那些可能被视为理所当然的东西(尽管说话者不是罗蒂的词)。他写道:“当常识受到挑战时,它的拥护者首先会做出反应,概括和明确他们习惯玩的语言游戏规则”(74)。手头的问题(在手头的[特别]问题中)涉及语言游戏,习惯化,共同性和共同性。在评估“政治对话”的道德可行性时,Jacques ranci写道:“问题在于,要知道对话中的主体是‘存在’还是‘不存在’,他们是在说话还是只是在制造噪音。”它是知道是否有理由看到他们指定的对象作为冲突的可见对象。而是知道他们揭露错误的共同语言是否确实是一种共同语言”(50)。对于ranci来说,一个先行的“命令和赋予命令权利的逻各斯”(16)构成了主体本身与其他主体的关系。这开启了合法的和破坏性的争论,区别于“各种各样的坏政权”(63-64),这种例子在全球比比皆是。包括争端在内的对话,都假定了共同性的构成,这意味着它是一个政治问题。ranci将言语理解为政治秩序,提出了特殊性和共性的问题,或者公地、共同点、常识等的可能性。参考他所识别的问题,这些问题可能会被打开,有角度,并因此表达:如果主体“不是”,就像上面的问题陈述一样,它们究竟是什么,它们是谁?如果没有一种共同语言,那么共有多少种共同语言,在哪里使用?谁能听得懂?如果平民的身体和活的神器本身就是冲突的对象呢?噪音的修辞是什么?主流学术对“公地”的描述通常以英国为中心,从17世纪土地圈地的故事开始,促使《大宪章》的产生,然后转向当代公共土地和自然资源的私有化,向外延伸到几个世纪以来对土著土地和人民的暴力全球殖民,然后在自然资源和文化文物的专有管理之间进行比较,特别是在数字网络时代。然而,正如历史学家彼得·莱恩堡(Peter Linebaugh)所指出的那样,“从古雅的乡村公地到电磁频谱的宇宙公地,从中世纪自给自足的经济到一般的智力,没有一个术语同时被如此忽视和如此有争议”(303)。公地不是一种物质或场所,而是一种活跃的集合和实践,或“结合了经济和社会、集体和个人的自我供应和管理的不断发展的模式”(Bollier 4-5)。公地的生活,即“聚合与实践”,其复杂性是不可简化的;它不是一个简单的理想,而是包含了冲突与联盟、妥协与坚持、快乐与痛苦、排斥与包容。
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CiteScore
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14.30%
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