The rise and fall of imperial China: the social origins of state development

IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES
G. Jiang
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

author charges, it created through Mao’s disastrous rural policies. It permitted the return of household-based production (the responsibility system) only because it realised that the rural sector needed far more investment than the government could afford (61–63). Probably the party’s most positive poverty alleviation policy was to make economic development the major criterion for cadre promotion. A serious problem with the cadre system, and one that, in a path-dependency manner, reaches well into the past, is corruption. Because of their authority to grant permits, cadres are in a good position to demand, or be offered, bribes. Despite decades of grassroots complaints the party took no action until around 2010 when Beijing discovered CIA penetration of military, intelligence, government, and party affairs, which had been facilitated by paying the bribes cadres needed for promotion. More than two million cadres were punished in Xi’s anticorruption campaign. This foreign infiltration in combination with the GFC fomented a shift away from the reform era to the more Leninist China that we see today. This excellent book provides valuable insights into our understanding of the PRC. Its analysis of Chinese society is pathbreaking in the manner of Richard McGregor’s (2010) The Party.
中华帝国的兴衰:国家发展的社会根源
作者认为,这是由于毛灾难性的农村政策造成的。它允许家庭生产(责任制)的回归,只是因为它意识到农村部门需要的投资远远超过政府的承受能力(61-63)。党最积极的扶贫政策可能是把经济发展作为干部晋升的主要标准。干部制度的一个严重问题是腐败,这个问题以路径依赖的方式一直延续到过去。由于有发放许可证的权力,干部有权索取或接受贿赂。尽管基层群众抱怨了几十年,但党一直没有采取行动,直到2010年左右,北京发现中央情报局渗透了军事、情报、政府和党务,而这些都是通过向干部行贿来促进的。在Xi的反腐运动中,200多万干部受到处分。这种外国渗透与GFC相结合,促使我们从改革时代转向我们今天看到的更列宁主义的中国。这本优秀的书为我们理解中华人民共和国提供了宝贵的见解。它对中国社会的分析就像Richard McGregor(2010)的《党》一样具有开拓性。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.80
自引率
8.30%
发文量
73
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