Who wanted the TDFR? The making and the breaking of the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic

IF 0.5 Q3 AREA STUDIES
Adrian Brisku, Timothy K. Blauvelt
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

During the brief period between 22 April and 26 May 1918, the leading Armenian, Azerbaijani and Georgian political forces of the early twentieth century, having established the shared federative structures of the Transcaucasian Commissariat and the Seim in the preceding months, declared an independent Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic (TDFR) (see Figure 1). Emerging as it did from the ruins of an imploding tsarist empire and the still glowing embers of the First World War, and facing the imminent threat of invasion from the Ottoman army and the power ambitions of incipient Soviet Russia, the TDFR seemed both to the actors at the time and to later scholars of the region to be unique, contingent, and certainly unrepeatable. For Noe Zhordania, for example, who as leader of the Georgian Social Democratic Party played a key role in the creation of the TDFR and the founding of the Georgian Democratic Republic, declaring independence was entirely contingent upon the political developments in Russia and the designs of the Ottoman Empire towards those territories that it had lost in the 1878 Russo-Ottoman War. This sense of contingency could be felt in his speech to the Transcaucasian Seim shortly before the declaration of independence, entitled “On the Independence of Transcaucasia,” in which he stated that such a political union could achieve independence only if a democratic Russia abandoned it, even though Transcaucasia would have to face the Ottomans on its own (1919, 76). The hopes of Zhordania and many others for the emergence of a democratic Russia failed to materialize, while an Ottoman invasion did, forcing the main Transcaucasian political forces, primarily the Georgian Social Democrats and the National Democrats, the Armenian Dashnaktsutyun (or Dashnaks), and the Azerbaijani Musavatists, to agree to declare the independence of the Transcaucasus/Transcaucasia. While the TDFR appeared to these historical actors, as well as to later historians and scholars of the region (more on this below), as a unique political phenomenon that resulted from happenstance, how the TDFR emerged, what the political discourses were that sustained or contested it, and what the positions of the main political actors and interested parties/states towards it were have not been studied systematically. This set of questions and others were addressed in the contributions of historians and specialists on the region and its surrounding areas at an international conference on the centennial of the TDFR that was organized at Charles University in Prague on 24 May 2018. Building on the contributions from the only international academic event to mark this centennial, this special issue offers to readers interested in the region a comprehensive and multi-perspective historical account of the TDFR. It does so via a few guiding questions, namely:
谁想要TDFR?外高加索民主联邦共和国的建立与解体
在1918年4月22日至5月26日的短暂期间内,二十世纪初亚美尼亚、阿塞拜疆和格鲁吉亚的主要政治力量在前几个月建立了外高加索人民委员会和塞姆的共同联邦结构后,宣布成立独立的外高加索民主联邦共和国(见图1)。它是在沙皇帝国崩溃的废墟和第一次世界大战的余烬中建立起来的,面对来自奥斯曼军队入侵的迫在眉睫的威胁和早期苏俄的权力野心,TDFR在当时的参与者和后来的学者看来都是独一无二的,偶然的,当然是不可复制的。例如,作为格鲁吉亚社会民主党领导人的Noe Zhordania在TDFR的创建和格鲁吉亚民主共和国的建立中发挥了关键作用,宣布独立完全取决于俄罗斯的政治发展和奥斯曼帝国对其在1878年俄奥斯曼战争中失去的领土的设计。这种偶然性可以从他在宣布独立前不久向外高加索议会发表的题为《论外高加索的独立》的演讲中感受到,他在演讲中指出,只有在民主的俄罗斯放弃它的情况下,这样一个政治联盟才能实现独立,即使外高加索将不得不独自面对奥斯曼帝国(1919,76)。Zhordania和其他许多人对民主俄罗斯出现的希望未能实现,而奥斯曼帝国的入侵却实现了,迫使主要的外高加索政治力量,主要是格鲁吉亚社会民主党和民族民主党,亚美尼亚Dashnaktsutyun(或Dashnaks)和阿塞拜疆Musavatists同意宣布外高加索/外高加索独立。虽然TDFR在这些历史参与者以及该地区后来的历史学家和学者(下文将详细介绍)看来是一种偶然事件导致的独特政治现象,但TDFR是如何出现的,维持或反对它的政治话语是什么,以及主要政治参与者和相关政党/国家对它的立场是什么,都没有得到系统的研究。2018年5月24日在布拉格查尔斯大学举办的TDFR百年纪念国际会议上,历史学家和专家在该地区及其周边地区的贡献中讨论了这一系列问题和其他问题。这期特刊以纪念这个百年纪念的唯一国际学术活动的贡献为基础,为对该地区感兴趣的读者提供了一个全面和多视角的TDFR历史叙述。它通过几个指导性问题来做到这一点,即:
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来源期刊
Caucasus Survey
Caucasus Survey Arts and Humanities-History
CiteScore
1.30
自引率
9.10%
发文量
4
期刊介绍: Caucasus Survey is a new peer-reviewed, multidisciplinary and independent journal, concerned with the study of the Caucasus – the independent republics of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, de facto entities in the area and the North Caucasian republics and regions of the Russian Federation. Also covered are issues relating to the Republic of Kalmykia, Crimea, the Cossacks, Nogays, and Caucasian diasporas. Caucasus Survey aims to advance an area studies tradition in the humanities and social sciences about and from the Caucasus, connecting this tradition with core disciplinary concerns in the fields of history, political science, sociology, anthropology, cultural and religious studies, economics, political geography and demography, security, war and peace studies, and social psychology. Research enhancing understanding of the region’s conflicts and relations between the Russian Federation and the Caucasus, internationally and domestically with regard to the North Caucasus, features high in our concerns.
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