{"title":"How Government Responses to Misinformation in Africa Restrict Freedom of Expression and Do Little to Tackle the Problem","authors":"Peter Cunliffe-Jones","doi":"10.1080/23743670.2021.1972532","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"While misinformation has been recognised as a problem in Africa and around the world, from ancient Egypt into modern times (Darnton 2017; Posetti and Matthews 2018), concern about the effects it may have has grown sharply since political upheavals in the Global North in 2016. Harm caused by false information goes beyond the field of politics. Misinformation has been identified as provoking vigilante violence and civil unrest in countries such as Ethiopia (Nur 2019) and Nigeria (Adegoke 2018), leading to the use of ineffective and dangerous medical treatments for Ebola (Ogala and Ibeh 2014), malaria (Faive Le-Cadre 2019), and coronavirus disease 2019 (Busari and Adebayo 2020) and harms to mental health (Kulundu 2019), businesses (Ghana Fact 2019) and much more. As the public have shown their own concern (Wasserman and Madrid-Morales 2018), so the number of statements made by political leaders has increased. “In a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country like ours, fake news is a time bomb. And in recent weeks, many anarchists have been doing everything possible to detonate the bomb”, Nigeria’s Information Minister Lai Mohammed told reporters in 2018, calling for public vigilance (Okakwu 2018). At the same time, Senegal’s President Macky Sall made a speech demanding that the education ministry develop a media literacy strategy to “counter ‘fake news’ and other false information” (Cissé 2018). In two research papers published in June 2021, seven colleagues and I examined the two primary responses taken: (i) the introduction of new, or stricter, laws against “false information” published or broadcast on traditional and social media and (ii) promises of teaching “media literacy” in state-run schools. This article sets out the findings of these papers; the failure of the current policies to meet their stated aim of reducing the harm caused and proposes alternative responses that could reduce harm without restricting legitimate media and political debate.","PeriodicalId":54049,"journal":{"name":"African Journalism Studies","volume":"42 1","pages":"121 - 125"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1000,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"African Journalism Studies","FirstCategoryId":"98","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2021.1972532","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"COMMUNICATION","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
While misinformation has been recognised as a problem in Africa and around the world, from ancient Egypt into modern times (Darnton 2017; Posetti and Matthews 2018), concern about the effects it may have has grown sharply since political upheavals in the Global North in 2016. Harm caused by false information goes beyond the field of politics. Misinformation has been identified as provoking vigilante violence and civil unrest in countries such as Ethiopia (Nur 2019) and Nigeria (Adegoke 2018), leading to the use of ineffective and dangerous medical treatments for Ebola (Ogala and Ibeh 2014), malaria (Faive Le-Cadre 2019), and coronavirus disease 2019 (Busari and Adebayo 2020) and harms to mental health (Kulundu 2019), businesses (Ghana Fact 2019) and much more. As the public have shown their own concern (Wasserman and Madrid-Morales 2018), so the number of statements made by political leaders has increased. “In a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country like ours, fake news is a time bomb. And in recent weeks, many anarchists have been doing everything possible to detonate the bomb”, Nigeria’s Information Minister Lai Mohammed told reporters in 2018, calling for public vigilance (Okakwu 2018). At the same time, Senegal’s President Macky Sall made a speech demanding that the education ministry develop a media literacy strategy to “counter ‘fake news’ and other false information” (Cissé 2018). In two research papers published in June 2021, seven colleagues and I examined the two primary responses taken: (i) the introduction of new, or stricter, laws against “false information” published or broadcast on traditional and social media and (ii) promises of teaching “media literacy” in state-run schools. This article sets out the findings of these papers; the failure of the current policies to meet their stated aim of reducing the harm caused and proposes alternative responses that could reduce harm without restricting legitimate media and political debate.
期刊介绍:
Accredited by the South African Department of Higher Education and Training for university research purposes African Journalism Studies subscribes to the Code of Best Practice for Peer Reviewed Scholarly Journals of the Academy of Science of South Africa. African Journalism Studies ( AJS) aims to contribute to the ongoing extension of the theories, methodologies and empirical data to under-researched areas of knowledge production, through its emphasis on African journalism studies within a broader, comparative perspective of the Global South. AJS strives for theoretical diversity and methodological inclusivity, by developing theoretical approaches and making critical interventions in global scholarly debates. The journal''s comparative and interdisciplinary approach is informed by the related fields of cultural and media studies, communication studies, African studies, politics, and sociology. The field of journalism studies is understood broadly, as including the practices, norms, value systems, frameworks of representation, audiences, platforms, industries, theories and power relations that relate to the production, consumption and study of journalism. A wide definition of journalism is used, which extends beyond news and current affairs to include digital and social media, documentary film and narrative non-fiction.