Ad Hoc Diplomats

IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW
Ryan M. Scoville
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Article II of the Constitution grants the president power to appoint “Ambassadors” and “other public Ministers” with the advice and consent of the Senate. By all accounts, this language requires Senate confirmation for the appointment of resident ambassadors and other diplomats of similar rank and tenure. Yet these are hardly the only agents of U.S. foreign relations. Ad hoc diplomats — individuals chosen exclusively by the president to complete limited and temporary assignments — play a comparably significant role in addressing international crises, negotiating treaties, and otherwise executing foreign policy. This Article critically examines the appointments process for such irregular agents. An orthodox view holds it permissible for the president to dispatch any ad hoc diplomat without Senate confirmation, but this view does not accord with the original meaning of Article II. Scrutinizing text and an extensive collection of original historical sources, I show that, under a formalist reading of the Constitution, the appointment of most ad hoc diplomats requires the advice and consent of the Senate because these agents are typically “public Ministers” and “Officers of the United States” under the Appointments Clause. The analysis makes several contributions. First, it provides the first thorough account of the original meaning of “public Ministers” — a term that appears several times in the Constitution but lacks precise contours in contemporary scholarship and practice. Second, for formalists, the analysis reorients longstanding debates about the process of treaty-making and empowers the Senate to exert greater influence over a wide variety of presidential initiatives, including communications with North Korea, the renegotiation of trade agreements, the campaign to defeat ISIS, and the stabilization of Ukraine, all of which depend on the work of ad hoc diplomats. At a time of trepidation over the nature of U.S. foreign policy, such influence might operate as a stabilizing force. Third, the analysis illuminates rhetorical and doctrinal maneuvers that have facilitated the rise of the modern presidency, including historical revisionism and the marginalization of international law as an input in constitutional interpretation. These maneuvers complicate the political valence of originalism and cast the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) — a key proponent of the orthodox view — as a motivated expositor of the separation of powers.
特设外交官
宪法第二条赋予总统在参议院的建议和同意下任命“大使”和“其他公使”的权力。大家都说,这种措词需要参议院批准才能任命驻地大使和具有类似级别和任期的其他外交官。然而,这些并不是美国外交关系的唯一代理人。临时外交官——由总统专门挑选来完成有限和临时任务的个人——在处理国际危机、谈判条约和执行外交政策方面发挥着相当重要的作用。这篇文章批判性地审查了这种非正规代理人的任命过程。传统观点认为,总统可以在没有参议院批准的情况下派遣特别外交官,但这种观点与宪法第二条的原意不符。在仔细审查文本和大量收集的原始历史资料后,我表明,根据对宪法的形式主义解读,大多数临时外交官的任命需要参议院的建议和同意,因为根据任命条款,这些代理人通常是“公共部长”和“美国官员”。该分析有几点贡献。首先,它提供了对“公共部长”原意的第一次彻底的解释——这个术语在宪法中出现了几次,但在当代学术和实践中缺乏精确的轮廓。其次,对于形式主义者来说,该分析重新定位了长期以来关于条约制定过程的争论,并赋予参议院对总统的各种倡议施加更大影响的权力,包括与朝鲜的沟通、重新谈判贸易协定、打击ISIS的行动,以及稳定乌克兰局势,所有这些都依赖于特别外交官的工作。在人们对美国外交政策的本质感到不安的时候,这种影响力可能会起到稳定力量的作用。第三,分析阐明了促进现代总统崛起的修辞和理论手段,包括历史修正主义和将国际法边缘化,将其作为宪法解释的输入。这些策略使原旨主义的政治价值复杂化,并使司法部法律顾问办公室(OLC)——正统观点的关键支持者——成为三权分立的积极阐释者。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.90
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
期刊介绍: The first issue of what was to become the Duke Law Journal was published in March 1951 as the Duke Bar Journal. Created to provide a medium for student expression, the Duke Bar Journal consisted entirely of student-written and student-edited work until 1953, when it began publishing faculty contributions. To reflect the inclusion of faculty scholarship, the Duke Bar Journal became the Duke Law Journal in 1957. In 1969, the Journal published its inaugural Administrative Law Symposium issue, a tradition that continues today. Volume 1 of the Duke Bar Journal spanned two issues and 259 pages. In 1959, the Journal grew to four issues and 649 pages, growing again in 1970 to six issues and 1263 pages. Today, the Duke Law Journal publishes eight issues per volume. Our staff is committed to the purpose set forth in our constitution: to publish legal writing of superior quality. We seek to publish a collection of outstanding scholarship from established legal writers, up-and-coming authors, and our own student editors.
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