Transfeminist Possibilities and Remembering the 1970s

IF 1.4 Q2 COMMUNICATION
Morgan DiCesare, E. Cram
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Abstract

Memories of 1970s feminisms often conjure negative feelings associated with “the difficult decades” wherein “radical/separatist lesbian-feminists articulated their identities in ways that eschewed coalitions in search of greater ideological purity” (Stryker 91; Samek 233). Narratives of the “difficult” 1970s and 1980s often focus on the rise of identarian consolidation wherein the broad imagination and praxis of feminist communities and politics became synonymous with trans-exclusive radical feminists (or TERFs). Narratives of the so-called incommensurability of feminist and trans identities and politics continue to hold sway as TERFs and gender criticals (GCs) continue to predominate public discussions of trans experience. When recollecting the historical structures and articulations of trans antagonism within feminist communities and their relevance to our contemporary political climate, we might remember the reactionary fissures in addition to visions of trans inclusion and solidarities. As trans historian Susan Stryker emphasizes, “[T]here was nothing monolithic about second wave feminist attitudes toward trans issues. The feminist second wave simultaneously espoused some of the most reactionary attitudes toward trans people to be found anywhere while also offering a vision of transgender inclusion in progressive feminist movements for social change” (109). Particularly in this moment wherein TERFs and GCs openly espouse political linkages with fascist politics through their denouncements of “gender ideology” that also deny trans people’s place in the past, we are moved to remember historical moments of transfeminist possibility. By transfeminist possibility we mean the felt potentiality of relationships that affirm trans people’s lived experiences and allow for even temporarily changed social worlds. Transfeminist possibility, especially its articulations with 1970s feminisms, matters in the face of contemporary arguments that, on one hand, either naturalize exclusionary feminist imaginations or, on the other hand, act as if feminist history was never coformed through the labor and struggles of trans and queer people. Rather than continue the focus on lesbian feminist violence against trans people, we revisit two moments of transfeminist solidarity across difference and focus on the transfeminist potentiality of Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rivera’s Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries’ (STAR) community organizing in addition to Beth Elliott’s experiences at the 1973 West Coast Lesbian Conference. Our reflection builds from trans historian
反堕胎的可能性与对20世纪70年代的怀念
对20世纪70年代女权主义者的记忆往往会让人产生与“艰难的几十年”相关的负面情绪,在“艰难的十年”中,“激进/分离主义的女同性恋女权主义者以避开联盟的方式表达自己的身份,以寻求更大的意识形态纯洁性”(Stryker 91;Samek 233)。“艰难”的20世纪70年代和80年代的叙事往往集中在同一性巩固的兴起上,女权主义社区和政治的广泛想象力和实践成为跨性别排斥激进女权主义者(或TERF)的代名词。随着TERF和性别批判者(GC)继续主导关于跨性别经历的公开讨论,关于女权主义和跨性别身份与政治的所谓不可通约性的叙述继续占据主导地位。当我们回忆起女权主义社区中跨性别对立的历史结构和表述,以及它们与我们当代政治气候的相关性时,除了跨性别包容和团结的愿景之外,我们可能还记得反动的裂痕。正如跨性别历史学家苏珊·斯特里克所强调的那样,“第二波女权主义对跨性别问题的态度并不是铁板一块的。女权主义的第二波同时支持了世界上对跨性别者最反动的一些态度,同时也为跨性别者融入社会变革的进步女权主义运动提供了愿景”(109)。特别是在这个时刻,TERF和GC通过谴责“性别意识形态”公开支持与法西斯政治的政治联系,这些意识形态也否认了跨性别者在过去的地位,我们感动地记住了跨性别主义可能性的历史时刻。所谓跨性别者的可能性,我们指的是确认跨性别者生活经历并允许甚至暂时改变社会世界的关系的感觉潜力。跨性别主义的可能性,尤其是它与20世纪70年代女权主义者的关系,在面对当代争论时很重要,这些争论一方面将排斥性的女权主义想象自然化,另一方面又表现得好像女权主义历史从未通过跨性别者和酷儿的劳动和斗争共同形成。我们没有继续关注针对跨性别者的女同性恋女权主义暴力,而是回顾了跨性别者团结的两个时刻,并关注玛莎·P·约翰逊和西尔维娅·里维拉的街头跨性别者行动革命者(STAR)社区组织的跨性别者潜力,以及贝丝·埃利奥特在1973年西海岸女同性恋会议上的经历。我们的反思建立在跨性别历史学家的基础上
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CiteScore
1.80
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0.00%
发文量
21
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