{"title":"Slavic *ljuby and the heterogeneity of the inflectional class in *‑y","authors":"Marek Majer","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-006","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The inherited Proto-Slavic feminine nouns in nom. sg. *‑y, oblique *‑ъvare conventionally thought to go back to one source only, namely Proto-Indo- European stems in *‑uh‑. However, a handful of previous studies have already demonstrated the possibility that other inherited items could join this paradigm by phonologically developing a nom. sg. in *‑y from other sources (particularly *‑ōs). Accordingly, in the present article, it is hypothesized that the well-known PSl. noun *ljuby *ljubъve f. ‘love’ may go back to an amphikinetic s‑stem *lewbʰ‑ōs. Such a reconstruction makes it possible to explain a number of otherwise problematic features of the complex of *ljuby, such as: 1) the enigmatic OCS acc. sg. ljuby (for expected ljubъvь) in the collocations (prě)ljuby (sъ)tvoriti or (prě)ljuby dějati ‘commit adultery’; 2) the unexpected presence of *‑s‑ in the Balt. cognate, Lith. liaupsė̃ f. ‘praise, adoration’; 3) the occurrence of PSl. *‑y as an abstract marker (a function in which PIE amphikinetic s‑stems in *‑ōs are securely, even if marginally, found, particularly in the domain of emotions and mental states - cf. Gk. αἰδώς αἰδόος f. ‘reverence, awe’, ἔρως *ἔροος m. ‘love, desire’, Ved. bhiyás‑, Av. biiah‑ m. ‘fear’ - while no such function can convincingly be reconstructed for a formation in *‑u‑h₂).","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"79 - 104"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1000,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-006","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Indogermanische Forschungen","FirstCategoryId":"98","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-006","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
Abstract The inherited Proto-Slavic feminine nouns in nom. sg. *‑y, oblique *‑ъvare conventionally thought to go back to one source only, namely Proto-Indo- European stems in *‑uh‑. However, a handful of previous studies have already demonstrated the possibility that other inherited items could join this paradigm by phonologically developing a nom. sg. in *‑y from other sources (particularly *‑ōs). Accordingly, in the present article, it is hypothesized that the well-known PSl. noun *ljuby *ljubъve f. ‘love’ may go back to an amphikinetic s‑stem *lewbʰ‑ōs. Such a reconstruction makes it possible to explain a number of otherwise problematic features of the complex of *ljuby, such as: 1) the enigmatic OCS acc. sg. ljuby (for expected ljubъvь) in the collocations (prě)ljuby (sъ)tvoriti or (prě)ljuby dějati ‘commit adultery’; 2) the unexpected presence of *‑s‑ in the Balt. cognate, Lith. liaupsė̃ f. ‘praise, adoration’; 3) the occurrence of PSl. *‑y as an abstract marker (a function in which PIE amphikinetic s‑stems in *‑ōs are securely, even if marginally, found, particularly in the domain of emotions and mental states - cf. Gk. αἰδώς αἰδόος f. ‘reverence, awe’, ἔρως *ἔροος m. ‘love, desire’, Ved. bhiyás‑, Av. biiah‑ m. ‘fear’ - while no such function can convincingly be reconstructed for a formation in *‑u‑h₂).
期刊介绍:
Indogermanische Forschungen publishes contributions (essays and reviews) mainly in the areas of historical-comparative linguistics, historical linguistics, typology and characteristics of the languages of the Indogermanic language family. Essays on general linguistics and non-Indogermanic languages are also featured, provided that they coincide with the main focus of the journal with respect to methods and language history.