Stavovi srpskih političara o jeziku u Bosni i Hercegovini 1991–1995.

Q4 Arts and Humanities
Jasmin Hodžić
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

The topic of this article does not cover the views of all Serbian politicians on the language in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the beginning of the 1990s, at least not those who remained in the convocation of the Assembly of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and who were opponents of the policy of the Serbian Democratic Party, that is, they did not agree with it. In this paper, we analyze shorthand notes from the so-called Assembly of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1991 to 1995 (from January 1992, the so-called Republic of the Serbian People of Bosnia and Herzegovina; and from March 1992, the so-called Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and from September 1992, the Republic of Srpska). The aim of this paper is twofold. One is analyzing the nationalist attitudes of Serbian politicians about the language in Bosnian society from the beginning of the 1990s, while the other is pointing out the presence of some open and tolerant attitudes. Topic wise, we follow the narrative about the use of the alphabet or the discussion about the relationship between the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets. Moreover, particular focus is on the discourse about the name of the language and the mutual relationship between the linguistic identities of Serbs, Croats and Bosniak Muslims. Lastly, we will pay special attention to the issue of Ekavica (ekavian speech) and the model of political partialness and imposition of the Ekavian language of identity in the dialect space to which it does not originally belong. As the use of Ekavica was the biggest point of contention in the debates of Serbian politicians, in this paper we will additionally refer to a brief historical overview of the status of Ekavica in the Bosnian society, especially in education. Documents about the usage of Ekavica in special circumstances will also be presented in this paper. As the documents show, however, Ekavica is a means of spreading Serbian national interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Following some ideas of proposed or adopted legislative acts on language from the beginning of the 1990s, we will analyze the transcripts from a total of thirteen parliamentary sessions where language was discussed, along with about twenty individually expressed views during parliamentary procedures. As a thorough presentation or analysis of all of the above would exceed the usual article length, we will present only some parliamentary positions directly as sources. Other views will be systematized and analyzed as a group through the discussion and conclusions. Views that directly concern the current organization of our society and state will be particularly dealt with. In that regard, significant data on how Serbian is positioned in relation to the Bosnian and Croatian languages through the directly stated views of Serbian political representatives on several occasions and at separate parliamentary sessions can also be observed. Two opposing models were found – tolerance in language views, on one hand, and open discrimination and linguistic imperialism in the misuse of language for political purposes on the other hand. The starting motive for research of this type is a contextualized relationship to the current situation in connection with official negative attitudes towards language rights in the Bosnian entity the Republic of Srpska, with a special contextual connection with the latest legislative acts – the so-called unity of the Serbian cultural space, the guidelines for the unified cultural and educational policy of the Serbian people (from 2019), and the Declaration on the borders of the Serbian language (from 2022) – without directly entering into the content elements thereof.
本文的主题并没有涵盖1990年代初以来所有塞尔维亚政治家对波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那语言的看法,至少没有包括那些留在波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那共和国议会会议的人,以及那些反对塞尔维亚民主党政策的人,也就是说,他们不同意这种政策。在本文中,我们分析了1991年至1995年所谓的波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那塞尔维亚人民大会的速记笔记(从1992年1月起,所谓的波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那塞尔维亚人民共和国;1992年3月起为所谓的波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那塞尔维亚共和国,1992年9月起为斯普斯卡共和国)。本文的目的是双重的。一篇文章分析了塞尔维亚政治家从1990年代开始对波斯尼亚社会语言的民族主义态度,另一篇则指出了一些开放和宽容态度的存在。在主题方面,我们遵循关于字母使用的叙述或关于拉丁字母和西里尔字母之间关系的讨论。此外,特别关注的是关于语言名称的论述以及塞尔维亚人、克罗地亚人和波斯尼亚穆斯林的语言特性之间的相互关系。最后,我们将特别关注Ekavica(埃卡维安语)的问题,以及政治偏袒的模式,以及将埃卡维安语的身份强加于它原本不属于的方言空间。由于Ekavica的使用是塞尔维亚政治家辩论中最大的争论点,在本文中,我们还将简要介绍Ekavica在波斯尼亚社会中的历史地位,特别是在教育方面。关于在特殊情况下使用Ekavica的文件也将在本文中提出。然而,正如文件所显示的,Ekavica是在波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那传播塞尔维亚国家利益的一种手段。我们将以90年代初提出或通过的有关语言的立法的构想为基础,分析讨论语言问题的13次国会会议记录和在国会议事过程中单独发表的20多个意见。由于对上述所有内容进行彻底的介绍或分析将超出通常的文章长度,我们将只直接将一些议会立场作为来源。其他观点将通过讨论和结论作为一个整体进行系统化和分析。直接关系到我们的社会和国家的当前组织的观点将特别处理。在这方面,通过塞族政治代表在若干场合和在不同的议会会议上直接陈述的观点,也可以观察到关于塞尔维亚语相对于波斯尼亚语和克罗地亚语的地位的重要数据。我们发现了两种截然相反的模式:一方面是语言观点上的宽容,另一方面是出于政治目的而滥用语言的公开歧视和语言帝国主义。这类研究的开始动机是与波斯尼亚实体斯普斯卡共和国官方对语言权利的消极态度有关的当前局势的背景关系,与最近的立法行为- -所谓的塞尔维亚文化空间的统一,塞尔维亚人民统一文化和教育政策的指导方针(2019年起)- -有特殊的背景关系。以及《关于塞尔维亚语边界的宣言》(从2022年起),但不直接进入其内容要素。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Historijski pogledi
Historijski pogledi Arts and Humanities-History
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0.10
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46
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20 weeks
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