The World the Plague Made: The Black Death and the Rise of Europe by James Belich

IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
A. Carmichael
{"title":"The World the Plague Made: The Black Death and the Rise of Europe by James Belich","authors":"A. Carmichael","doi":"10.1162/jinh_r_01945","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Was plague a significant agent of global historical change within the last millennium? Belich argues that catastrophic human mortality from the Black Death (1346–1353) affected only western Eurasia and Mamluk Egypt, killing half or more of all humans in these regions before returning unpredictably in murderous local or interregional epidemic waves. “Why Europe?” he asks anew. His answer is Yersinia pestis (2). In the wake of Western Europe’s staggering population losses, survivors devised (or invested in) laborand cost-saving ways to boost their newfound fortunes at home and abroad, even though population numbers remained well below pre-plague levels. By the 1400s, the reorganization of production and transportation technologies was well underway, and by the 1500s, maritime polities began a spider-like diaspora that led to the Industrial Revolution. The upshot of Belich’s argument is that the swerve to Western European global dominance resulted not from cultural practices, governing institutions, or religious convictions (in his terms, those of a “OneGod world”), nor even from the technological edge that powered early expansion and resource extraction; it happened because the peoples west of the Volga River uniquely faced one of the “random curveballs from nature” (2). Calling it a history-determining first “strike” (Belich never deploys the language of epidemiology or ecology), he effectively reprieves a Cold War–era trope of plague as an exogenous destructive agent that left infrastructure and other material wealth intact. Meanwhile, because the peoples of once-dominant eastern and southern Asia escaped plague, they did not similarly transform their economies, not even later when they benefited from the windfall stimulus of Western Hemispheric silver and staple food crops. Belich’s meticulously researched economic history will be indigestible for many readers not already familiar with its central claims. In this respect, his book is a critique made of recent, theory-avoiding global histories. The book further recycles Belich’s own prior scholarship— including a cogent precis of how the Black Death figures into his overall argument in The Prospect of Global History (New York, 2016) and a slight updating of the wide-ranging introduction written with fellow-editors John Darwin and Chris Wickham. The intention of that essay collection was to provide models of global studies that situated premodern eras in expansive global, semiglobal, or “sub-global” studies. Human successes across semiglobalized Eurasia, from the Bronze Age to the Black Death, in this new work serve fundamentally to purify the current study from","PeriodicalId":46755,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Interdisciplinary History","volume":"54 1","pages":"111-112"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3000,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Interdisciplinary History","FirstCategoryId":"98","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01945","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1

Abstract

Was plague a significant agent of global historical change within the last millennium? Belich argues that catastrophic human mortality from the Black Death (1346–1353) affected only western Eurasia and Mamluk Egypt, killing half or more of all humans in these regions before returning unpredictably in murderous local or interregional epidemic waves. “Why Europe?” he asks anew. His answer is Yersinia pestis (2). In the wake of Western Europe’s staggering population losses, survivors devised (or invested in) laborand cost-saving ways to boost their newfound fortunes at home and abroad, even though population numbers remained well below pre-plague levels. By the 1400s, the reorganization of production and transportation technologies was well underway, and by the 1500s, maritime polities began a spider-like diaspora that led to the Industrial Revolution. The upshot of Belich’s argument is that the swerve to Western European global dominance resulted not from cultural practices, governing institutions, or religious convictions (in his terms, those of a “OneGod world”), nor even from the technological edge that powered early expansion and resource extraction; it happened because the peoples west of the Volga River uniquely faced one of the “random curveballs from nature” (2). Calling it a history-determining first “strike” (Belich never deploys the language of epidemiology or ecology), he effectively reprieves a Cold War–era trope of plague as an exogenous destructive agent that left infrastructure and other material wealth intact. Meanwhile, because the peoples of once-dominant eastern and southern Asia escaped plague, they did not similarly transform their economies, not even later when they benefited from the windfall stimulus of Western Hemispheric silver and staple food crops. Belich’s meticulously researched economic history will be indigestible for many readers not already familiar with its central claims. In this respect, his book is a critique made of recent, theory-avoiding global histories. The book further recycles Belich’s own prior scholarship— including a cogent precis of how the Black Death figures into his overall argument in The Prospect of Global History (New York, 2016) and a slight updating of the wide-ranging introduction written with fellow-editors John Darwin and Chris Wickham. The intention of that essay collection was to provide models of global studies that situated premodern eras in expansive global, semiglobal, or “sub-global” studies. Human successes across semiglobalized Eurasia, from the Bronze Age to the Black Death, in this new work serve fundamentally to purify the current study from
瘟疫制造的世界:黑死病与欧洲的崛起
在过去的一千年里,鼠疫是全球历史变化的一个重要因素吗?Belich认为,黑死病(1346-1353)造成的灾难性人类死亡只影响了欧亚大陆西部和马穆鲁克埃及,杀死了这些地区一半或更多的人,然后以不可预测的方式在当地或地区间流行浪潮中卷土重来。“为什么是欧洲?他又问。他的答案是鼠疫耶尔森氏菌(Yersinia pestis)。在西欧惊人的人口损失之后,幸存者想出(或投资)节省劳动力和成本的方法来增加他们在国内外的新财富,尽管人口数量仍远低于瘟疫前的水平。到15世纪,生产和运输技术的重组正在顺利进行,到16世纪,海上政策开始了蜘蛛般的散居,导致了工业革命。贝利奇的论点的结论是,西欧转向全球主导地位的原因不是文化习俗、治理机构或宗教信仰(用他的话说,是“一个上帝的世界”),甚至也不是早期扩张和资源开采的技术优势;它的发生是因为伏尔加河以西的人们独特地面临着一个“来自大自然的随机曲线球”(2)。他将其称为决定历史的第一次“打击”(Belich从未使用流行病学或生态学的语言),他有效地缓解了冷战时期的比喻,即瘟疫是一种外源性破坏性病原体,使基础设施和其他物质财富完好无损。与此同时,由于一度占统治地位的东亚和南亚的人民躲过了瘟疫,他们没有同样地改变经济,即使后来他们从西半球的白银和主要粮食作物的意外之财刺激中受益时也是如此。对于许多不熟悉其核心主张的读者来说,Belich对经济史的细致研究将是难以理解的。在这方面,他的书是对近期回避理论的全球历史的批判。这本书进一步引用了Belich自己之前的学术研究——包括他在《全球历史展望》(纽约,2016年)中对黑死病如何被纳入他的整体论点的令人信服的精确描述,以及对他与编辑同行约翰·达尔文和克里斯·威克姆共同撰写的内容广泛的介绍的略微更新。该论文集的目的是提供全球研究的模型,将前现代时代置于广阔的全球、半全球或“亚全球”研究中。人类在半全球化的欧亚大陆上的成功,从青铜时代到黑死病,在这项新的工作中,从根本上净化了目前的研究
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
CiteScore
0.60
自引率
20.00%
发文量
68
期刊介绍: The Journal of Interdisciplinary History features substantive articles, research notes, review essays, and book reviews relating historical research and work in applied fields-such as economics and demographics. Spanning all geographical areas and periods of history, topics include: - social history - demographic history - psychohistory - political history - family history - economic history - cultural history - technological history
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术官方微信