Legislating for Litigation: Delegation, Public Policy, and Democracy

IF 2.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW
Sean Farhang
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引用次数: 4

Abstract

When Congress enacts command-and-control regulation, it chooses between implementation through litigation and courts, through bureaucracy, or through a hybrid regime. Since the late 1960s, the frequency with which Congress has relied on civil litigation for frontline enforcement of statutes grew dramatically, and with it grew rates of federal statutory litigation and the role of courts in federal regulatory policy. By the late 1970s, and with increasing intensity over the decades, a critique of these developments emerged that included two core themes. Relative to administrative implementation, direct enforcement through civil litigation (1) weakens democratic control over public policy because litigants and federal judges are harder for the elected branches to control than bureaucracy, and (2) degrades the quality of public policy because the judiciary is a less capable policy-making infrastructure than bureaucracy. This Article argues that Congress’s reliance on frontline enforcement through civil litigation is associated with how specifically it articulates substantive policy in the statute, versus how much policy-making discretion it delegates to implementing agents. When legislative coalitions rely heavily on civil litigation for implementation, they have incentives to focus more attention and effort on developing and articulating policy substance in the statute, and to leverage more mandatory and specific administrative rulemaking power. The institutional attributes of litigation and courts that make them more challenging to supervise and influence during postenactment implementation, and that render them a less capable policy-making apparatus, create these incentives. This theoretical account contradicts existing arguments offered by the relatively few scholars to consider the relationship between the legislative choice of enforcement through civil litigation, and how much policy substance Congress lays down in the statute. This Article deploys original data to investigate this theory and its rivals. The data contain granular information about the policy content of significant federal regulatory legislation passed between 1947 and 2008, and about the level of attention and effort legislators and witnesses in committee hearings focused on it. Empirical analysis demonstrates that Congress focused more than twice as much attention in legislative hearings on parts of regulatory statutes relying heavily on civil litigation for implementation, and elaborated policy in those parts of statutes in about twice as much detail. When relying substantially on civil actions, Congress was also much more likely to delegate administrative rulemaking authority, thereby leveraging more administrative expertise and enlarging congressional capacity to influence substantive elaboration of the statute via agency oversight powers. Ultimately, this Article argues that meaningful assessment of the democratic and public policy consequences of legislative reliance on civil litigation for enforcement must reckon with the fact that — in addition to dislocating some power from bureaucracy to litigants and courts — it is associated with a materially enlarged policy-making role for Congress.
诉讼立法:授权、公共政策与民主
当国会颁布命令和控制法规时,它会在通过诉讼和法院、通过官僚机构或通过混合制度来实施之间做出选择。自20世纪60年代末以来,国会依靠民事诉讼来执行法律的频率急剧增加,联邦法定诉讼的比率和法院在联邦监管政策中的作用也随之增加。到20世纪70年代末,随着几十年的不断激烈,对这些发展的批评出现了,其中包括两个核心主题。相对于行政执行,通过民事诉讼的直接执行(1)削弱了对公共政策的民主控制,因为诉讼人和联邦法官比官僚机构更难控制,(2)降低了公共政策的质量,因为司法机构的决策能力不如官僚机构。本文认为,国会通过民事诉讼对一线执法的依赖与它在法规中具体阐明实质性政策的程度有关,而不是与它将多少决策自由裁量权委托给执行机构有关。当立法联盟严重依赖民事诉讼来实施时,它们就有动机将更多的注意力和努力集中在制定和阐明法规中的政策实质上,并利用更多的强制性和具体的行政规则制定权力。诉讼和法院的体制属性使它们在颁布后的执行过程中更难受到监督和影响,并使它们成为一个能力较差的决策机构,从而产生了这些激励因素。这种理论解释与相对较少的学者提出的现有论点相矛盾,这些学者考虑了通过民事诉讼强制执行的立法选择与国会在法规中规定多少政策实质之间的关系。本文运用原始数据来考察这一理论及其竞争对手。这些数据包含了1947年至2008年间通过的重要联邦监管立法的政策内容的详细信息,以及立法者和委员会听证会上证人对这些立法的关注程度和努力程度。实证分析表明,国会在立法听证会上对监管法规中严重依赖民事诉讼实施的部分的关注是立法听证会的两倍多,并以两倍的细节阐述了法规中这些部分的政策。当主要依靠民事诉讼时,国会也更有可能下放行政规则制定权,从而利用更多的行政专门知识,扩大国会通过机构监督权力影响法规实质性制定的能力。最后,本文认为,对立法依赖民事诉讼来执行的民主和公共政策后果的有意义的评估必须考虑到这样一个事实:除了将一些权力从官僚机构转移到诉讼当事人和法院之外,它还与国会决策角色的实质性扩大有关。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.70
自引率
8.30%
发文量
1
期刊介绍: This review essay considers the state of hybrid democracy in California through an examination of three worthy books: Daniel Weintraub, Party of One: Arnold Schwarzenegger and the Rise of the Independent Voter; Center for Governmental Studies, Democracy by Initiative: Shaping California"s Fourth Branch of Government (Second Edition), and Mark Baldassare and Cheryl Katz, The Coming of Age of Direct Democracy: California"s Recall and Beyond. The essay concludes that despite the hoopla about Governor Schwarzenegger as a "party of one" and a new age of "hybrid democracy" in California.
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