The democratic deficit in South Korea: the democratic control of armed forces since 1993

IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE
Kyung-Pil Kim
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Abstract This paper explains how South Korea's democracy has controlled the military since 1993. It reveals why the overpowered military has not faded even after the eradication of Hanahoe and the consolidation of democracy in South Korea in its aftermath. The democratic control over the military is examined focusing on: (1) budget, personnel, organization; (2) the judicial system; (3) security and defense policy; (4) personnel affairs, roles, and responsibilities; and an explanation based on laws and institutions, the strategy of key actors, and historical conditions of military confrontation. Under South Korea's democracy, the military budget, personnel, and organization are only partially controlled, leaving military commanders with jurisdiction over the military's judicial system. This is a result of legal and institutional limitations, as well as resistance from the Ministry of National Defense (MND) and the military. In matters of security and defense policy, the president has taken the initiative to revitalize obsolete systems through political compromise with the military. The primary means for the president to control the military has been the personnel management of the MND and the military. The military is likely to pledge its allegiance to the regime instead of citizens because the former has control over personnel affairs, which has frequently led to unofficial private groups of military officers and their political interference. This case in South Korea shows that the way society controls the military sows the very seeds of risk and allows us to rethink the challenges in controlling the military in a democracy.
韩国的民主赤字:1993年以来对武装部队的民主控制
本文阐述了自1993年以来韩国的民主是如何控制军队的。它揭示了为什么即使在铲除“花会”和巩固韩国民主主义之后,被压制的军队也没有消失。主要从以下几个方面考察军队的民主管理:(1)预算、人事、组织;(二)司法制度;(三)安全防务政策;(四)人事事务、角色和职责;以及基于法律和制度、关键角色的战略和军事对抗的历史条件的解释。在韩国的民主制度下,军事预算、人事和组织只受到部分控制,军事指挥官对军事司法系统拥有管辖权。这是法律和体制限制以及国防部和军方抵制的结果。在安保安保政策上,卢武铉总统通过与军方的政治妥协,主动提出了让过时的体制重新焕发活力的方案。总统控制军队的主要手段是国防部和军队的人事管理。军方可能会宣誓效忠于政权,而不是公民,因为前者控制人事事务,这经常导致非官方的私人军官团体和他们的政治干预。韩国的情况表明,社会控制军队的方式播下了风险的种子,并使我们重新思考在民主国家控制军队的挑战。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
30
期刊介绍: The Japanese Journal of Political Science is a broadly based journal aiming to cover developments across a wide range of countries and specialisms. Its scope is wide-ranging both in terms of subject matter and method. The journal features articles in all fields of political science, especially where these have a conceptual thrust including political theory, comparative politics, political behaviour, political institutions, public policy, and international relations. At the same time, the journal seeks to attract the best comparative articles featuring both the domestic and international politics of Japan and East Asia. Each issue contains full length research articles, review articles and book reviews.
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