A Theory of Professional Interest Groups in Nigerian Politics

Q2 Arts and Humanities
Oliver McPherson-Smith
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Abstract

ABSTRACT Professional or industry-based interest groups have long been a feature of the Nigerian political landscape. Nevertheless, studies of these interest groups in Nigerian politics have largely privileged the analysis of individual groups or considered their collective role in the democratic transition of the 1990s. By returning the scholarly focus to their raison d’être, namely, their shared economic concerns, this article offers a comprehensive theory of interest groups in Nigerian politics. This novel theory posits that federal-level interest groups draw their membership from across Nigeria’s diverse ethnic, regional, and class constituencies due to their common economic concerns. Moreover, these groups actively lobby the federal government in pursuit of their economic advantage, often in direct competition with each other. Neither aloof from nor coopted by the state, the most prominent interest groups in Nigeria enjoy formalized positions within the bureaucracy from which to exert their influence and pursue the unique interests of their members. To develop this theory, this article employs new data and documents on the lobbying efforts of interest groups during the reform process of corporate law in Nigeria across a thirty-year period. Elite interviews, previously unpublished documents, and archival legal documents evidence their lobbying efforts. Examining the reform of corporate law across Nigeria’s later military regimes and the democratic Fourth Republic (1999–present) demonstrates the relevance of this theory of interest groups for both historical and contemporary understandings of Nigerian politics.
尼日利亚政治中的职业利益集团理论
长期以来,以专业或行业为基础的利益集团一直是尼日利亚政治格局的一个特征。然而,对尼日利亚政治中这些利益集团的研究在很大程度上倾向于分析个别群体,或者考虑他们在20世纪90年代民主转型中的集体作用。通过将学术焦点回归到他们的理由être,即他们共同的经济关切,本文提供了一个关于尼日利亚政治中利益集团的综合理论。这一新颖的理论假设,联邦层面的利益集团从尼日利亚不同的种族、地区和阶级选区中吸引成员,因为他们共同关注经济问题。此外,这些集团积极游说联邦政府,以追求他们的经济优势,经常彼此直接竞争。尼日利亚最突出的利益集团既不远离国家,也不受国家的影响,它们在官僚机构中享有正式的地位,可以借此施加影响,追求其成员的独特利益。为了发展这一理论,本文采用了关于尼日利亚公司法改革过程中利益集团游说努力的新数据和文件,时间跨度为30年。精英访谈,以前未发表的文件和档案法律文件证明了他们的游说努力。考察尼日利亚后来的军事政权和民主第四共和国(1999年至今)的公司法改革,证明了这种利益集团理论对尼日利亚政治的历史和当代理解的相关性。
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来源期刊
Journal of the Middle East and Africa
Journal of the Middle East and Africa Arts and Humanities-History
CiteScore
0.70
自引率
0.00%
发文量
20
期刊介绍: The Journal of the Middle East and Africa, the flagship publication of the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa (ASMEA), is the first peer-reviewed academic journal to include both the entire continent of Africa and the Middle East within its purview—exploring the historic social, economic, and political links between these two regions, as well as the modern challenges they face. Interdisciplinary in its nature, The Journal of the Middle East and Africa approaches the regions from the perspectives of Middle Eastern and African studies as well as anthropology, economics, history, international law, political science, religion, security studies, women''s studies, and other disciplines of the social sciences and humanities. It seeks to promote new research to understand better the past and chart more clearly the future of scholarship on the regions. The histories, cultures, and peoples of the Middle East and Africa long have shared important commonalities. The traces of these linkages in current events as well as contemporary scholarly and popular discourse reminds us of how these two geopolitical spaces historically have been—and remain—very much connected to each other and central to world history. Now more than ever, there is an acute need for quality scholarship and a deeper understanding of the Middle East and Africa, both historically and as contemporary realities. The Journal of the Middle East and Africa seeks to provide such understanding and stimulate further intellectual debate about them for the betterment of all.
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