How Can Putin's Russia Be Best Understood?

IF 1.3
Asia Policy Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI:10.1353/asp.2022.0042
M. Katz
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

I n Weak Strongman: The Limits of Power in Putin’s Russia, Timothy Frye presents a strong case for how Russia’s current politics and policies cannot be fully understood as simply “a reflection either of Vladimir Putin’s worldview or Russia’s unique history and culture” (pp. vii–viii). Instead, Russia can—and should—be understood with reference to the growing social science literature on nondemocracies to see how Putin’s Russia is similar to or different from other autocratic regimes. Frye finds that Putin’s Russia is more similar to other personalist autocracies than to autocracies ruled by organizations such as the military or a ruling party. Frye is quite persuasive in making his argument, showing in successive chapters how Putin’s ability to maintain popularity, manipulate domestic elections, manage the economy, use repression, and control domestic media are all similar to what other personalist autocratic leaders have done (and continue to do) in other countries. What Frye shows so well is that Putin is not unique but can be better understood through comparison with other personalist autocrats. Indeed, the challenge for this reviewer is to try to find arguments about how to understand Putin’s Russia that the author did not consider (but might respond to in his reply to this essay). One is that while Putin’s Russia is not a military or party dictatorship, it may be more similar to a theocratic regime such as the Islamic Republic of Iran than a personalist regime. For instance, Putin’s and the Moscow patriarchy’s conflation of Russian Orthodoxy with Russian great-power nationalism is similar to the way in which first Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and then Ayatollah Ali Khamenei have conflated their interpretation of Shiism with Iran’s own great-power nationalism. In addition, the National Guard created under Putin in 2016 plays a similar role to the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corp (IRGC) in preserving not just the regime but its ideology. It might be argued that the National Guard is far more powerful in Russia than the Moscow Patriarchy. Scholars studying Iran, however, see the IRGC as having become stronger vis-à-vis the Shiite clergy. The increasingly dominant role the IRGC is playing in
如何更好地理解普京治下的俄罗斯?
在《软弱的强人:普京统治下的俄罗斯的权力极限》一书中,蒂莫西·弗莱提出了一个强有力的例子,说明俄罗斯当前的政治和政策不能被完全理解为“弗拉基米尔·普京的世界观或俄罗斯独特的历史和文化的反映”(第7 - 8页)。相反,我们可以——也应该——参考越来越多的关于非民主国家的社会科学文献来理解俄罗斯,看看普京的俄罗斯与其他专制政权有何相似或不同。弗莱发现,普京的俄罗斯更类似于其他个人专制,而不是由军队或执政党等组织统治的专制。弗莱的论点很有说服力,他在连续的章节中展示了普京保持人气、操纵国内选举、管理经济、使用镇压和控制国内媒体的能力,这些都与其他个人专制领导人在其他国家所做的(并将继续做的)相似。弗莱很好地展示了普京不是独一无二的,而是可以通过与其他个人主义独裁者的比较来更好地理解。事实上,本文作者面临的挑战是,试图找出作者没有考虑到的关于如何理解普京治下的俄罗斯的论点(但他可能会在对本文的回复中做出回应)。其一,虽然普京领导下的俄罗斯不是军事或政党独裁,但它可能更类似于伊朗伊斯兰共和国这样的神权政权,而不是个人主义政权。例如,普京和莫斯科父权制将俄罗斯东正教与俄罗斯大国民族主义混为一谈,类似于先是阿亚图拉鲁霍拉霍梅尼,然后是阿亚图拉阿里哈梅内伊将他们对什叶派的解释与伊朗自己的大国民族主义混为一谈。此外,普京于2016年创建的国民警卫队在维护政权和意识形态方面发挥着类似于伊斯兰革命卫队(IRGC)的作用。有人可能会说,在俄罗斯,国民自卫军远比莫斯科父权制强大。然而,研究伊朗的学者们认为,伊朗革命卫队相对于-à-vis什叶派神职人员变得更加强大。伊斯兰革命卫队正在扮演越来越重要的角色
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来源期刊
Asia Policy
Asia Policy Arts and Humanities-History
CiteScore
0.80
自引率
0.00%
发文量
55
期刊介绍: Asia Policy is a peer-reviewed scholarly journal presenting policy-relevant academic research on the Asia-Pacific that draws clear and concise conclusions useful to today’s policymakers.
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