Der Parlamentsvorbehalt in der Corona-Krise

Q4 Social Sciences
Verwaltung Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI:10.3790/VERW.53.4.469
Armin von Weschpfennig
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

Crises are not only a test for society, they also pose a challenge to the legal order. This is revealed by the worldwide handling of the Coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 and the COVID-19 disease with a clarity that until recently probably nobody thought possible. Even in liberal democratic states, far-reaching restrictions on personal freedoms have been imposed, including lockdowns. In addition to questions of proportionality, the scope of the parliamentary prerogative in the Corona crisis has been under discussion in Germany since March 2020. Contrary to some voices in legal literature, even serious encroachments on fundamental rights can be justified, at least temporarily, by executive orders based on the general clause under infection control law and its cursory clarifications. Though, as the duration and complexity of crisis management increases, so too does the constitutional exigency for fundamental decisions by the legislature. The question of parliamentary prerogative also arises in the discussion about compensation payments, for example, for closure of businesses and other establishments during the lockdown. Since special provisions of infection control law often do not apply, some advocate a recourse to unwritten state liability law. However, this law is only geared to selective compensation and does not usually provide a legal basis for state liability in the Corona crisis. Here, too, the legislature must make improvements, if encroachments on fundamental rights – namely on the freedom of property – are no longer deemed proportionate without financial compensation. When assessing proportionality, however, the numerous aid programs must be taken into account.
科罗娜危机的国会保留
危机不仅是对社会的考验,也是对法律秩序的挑战。全球对冠状病毒SARS-CoV-2和COVID-19疾病的处理表明了这一点,直到最近可能还没有人认为这是可能的。即使在自由民主国家,也对个人自由施加了深远的限制,包括封锁。除了相称性问题外,自2020年3月以来,德国一直在讨论冠状病毒危机中议会特权的范围。与法律文献中的一些声音相反,即使是对基本权利的严重侵犯,也可以通过基于感染控制法的一般条款及其粗略澄清的行政命令来证明,至少是暂时的。然而,随着危机管理的持续时间和复杂性的增加,立法机构做出根本决定的宪法紧迫性也在增加。议会特权问题也出现在关于补偿支付的讨论中,例如,在封锁期间关闭企业和其他机构的补偿支付。由于感染控制法律的特殊规定往往不适用,一些人主张求助于不成文的国家责任法。然而,这项法律只针对选择性赔偿,通常不会为冠状病毒危机中的国家责任提供法律依据。在这方面,如果不再认为侵犯基本权利- -即侵犯财产自由- -是相称的而不给予财政补偿,立法机构也必须作出改进。然而,在评估比例性时,必须考虑到众多的援助项目。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
Verwaltung
Verwaltung Social Sciences-Law
CiteScore
0.20
自引率
0.00%
发文量
7
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