Transitioning Work of Families

Q4 Social Sciences
K. Underwood, E. Frankel, Gillian Parekh, M. Janus
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These findings are taken up in the context of broader discourses of school readiness and transition to school with the intention of expanding our conversation about transitions. Researchers and advocates in early childhood education, care, and intervention have long held that positive child outcomes require that services for young children and families be comprehensive, inclusive, integrated, and family-centered (Bricker, Xie, & Bohjanen, 2018). Yet, many early childhood and kindergarten programs are excluding children from important sites of social, cultural, and community participation. Of particular interest to researchers has been the transition from early years services into school kindergarten programs. Transitions into kindergarten happen at an important developmental time in Underwood, Frankel, Parekh, & Janus 136 Exceptionality Education International, 2019, Vol. 29, No. 3 children’s lives, and research shows that children’s development at school entry can be directly linked to later school outcomes (Brownell et al., 2016; Caspe, Lopez, & Chattrabhuti, 2015; Janus, Labonté, Kirkpatrick, Davies, & Duku, 2017). This research is translating into international interest in early years programs and the potential to impact inequality through early intervention and inclusive early childhood services (Lombardi, 2018; The Lancet, 2016; Wertlieb, 2018; World Health Organisation, 2018). We hypothesize that the transition to school provides an opportunity to understand the power that institutions hold over children and their families, particularly for children who are perceived to have development outside of what is conceived as a normal or typical developmental trajectory. This article presents findings about transitions to kindergarten, gleaned from the Inclusive Early Childhood Service System (IECSS) project, a Canadian longitudinal investigation, which seeks to understand broader social responses to disability through mapping institutional interactions from the standpoint of families. In this article, we examine institutional practice in early childhood and kindergarten programs and the transitions between these two state-organized stages of life. We argue that these institutional procedures illuminate important sites of power and dominant ways of thinking about disability that ultimately impact the degree to which families are managed and included through the transition process. Transitions to School Research on transitions typically focuses on two key areas. The first is the transition activities that educators implement, and second are the skills or capabilities that will make children successful in and beyond the transition into school. Educator transition activities commonly include information sharing through orientation events or sending information home, and sometimes home visits (Little, Cohen-Vogel, & Chris Curran, 2016). However, higher intensity activities such as visiting a child at home or extended visits to the classroom in advance are less common (Little et al., 2016). Kindergarten transition is of particular concern for families whose children had special needs (note this term is widely used in institutions to describe disabled children and those who are receiving atypical services; McIntyre, Eckert, Fiese, DiGennaro Reed, & Wildenger, 2010). In these cases, higher intensity transition activities may be of particular importance to families who have participated in early intervention services, partly because their expectations have been set through longer histories with professionals, and because the relationships with professionals in the early years are often more welcoming to families than those in schools (Janus, Cameron, Lefort, & Kopechanski, 2007). The research links transition activities to better outcomes that are typically defined in terms of academic achievement (Schulting, Malone, & Dodge, 2005) or social skills (Wildenger Welchons & McIntyre, 2015a, 2015b). Current research into what are considered best practices around transition activities is scant. Any implementation of transition-related activities appears to be of benefit, particularly from the perspective of parent satisfaction (Kang, 2010; McIntyre et al., 2010). However, in one study, schools described as under-resourced were found to engage in fewer transition activities (Little et al., 2016). Further, McIntyre et al. (2010) found more transition concerns for families whose children were identified with special needs. In addition, McIntyre et al. found Transitioning Work of Families Exceptionality Education International, 2019, Vol. 29, No. 3 137 these families were more likely to be racialized and to have lower education and lower incomes, raising concerns about the intersectional nature of relationships for families with disabled children at the point of transition. In addition to research on educator activities, there is a body of literature on the skills that children, families, and educators may need for successful transition into school. For children, these skills are often described as school readiness, a concept that is widely critiqued but that includes social and developmental competencies, understanding of rules, and behavioural dispositions (Dockett & Perry, 2001). Criticism of the school readiness discourses raises concern that it does not “recognize difference and diversity as positive aspects of educational communities” (Evans, 2013, p. 172). For example, research has linked school readiness to familyand child-level characteristics including sex, age, and socio-economic status (e.g., Janus & Duku, 2007). In early primary programs, individual characteristics, particularly children’s behaviour, are better predictors of school success than school transition practices (McIntyre, Blacher, & Baker, 2006). Parents also raise worries about children making friends, following directions, and making their needs known (McIntyre et al., 2010). In addition to the international literature on transitions, Canadian researchers have begun to examine the structural considerations that might lead to more complex thinking about early childhood disability experiences. For children who have experienced disability in their early years, and their families, the transition into kindergarten can be fraught with anxiety, contradiction, and uncertainty. Janus et al. (2007) noted that little is known about the process of complex transitions into kindergarten for these children. Literature informs us that systemic, administrative, and individual barriers exacerbate the challenges faced by families during these transitions (Janus et al., 2007; Siddiqua & Janus, 2017). Parents of young children identified with developmental disabilities and delays state that the lack of information and communication they experienced at transition into kindergarten forced them into advocacy roles (Villeneuve et al., 2013). These parents note that after an initial interprofessional meeting to plan the transition prior to school entry they had little contact from the school to follow up on planned decisions, and they did not know which professional in the school to contact to facilitate these plans. Parents also hold concerns around scheduling and staff openness (Kang, 2010). Finally, while transitions are a time of immense change for all children and families, parents of disabled children report more concerns with the transition than families of nondisabled children (McIntyre et al., 2010). Parents’ satisfaction with relationship and quality of services are also tied to transition services (Siddiqua & Janus, 2017). What may be most challenging, however, is that these families who are likely to have had much more interaction with professionals (as noted above) are in the position of having to relearn what is expected of them in their new role, a key part of transitions (Hirst, Jervis, Visagie, Sojo, & Cavanagh, 2011; McIntyre et al., 2010). Authentic collaboration between schools and families is considered crucial for smooth transitions, but this may be a mechanism for assimilation into school routines and practices rather than for collaboration and partnership (Hirst et al., 2011). Underwood, Frankel, Parekh, & Janus 138 Exceptionality Education International, 2019, Vol. 29, No. 3 The Context The full-day kindergarten program in Ontario is relatively new. The implementation of the program for 4and 5-year-olds was rolled out in a limited number of schools, in 2010. Full implementation was complete in 2016. Early intervention services in Ontario are delivered in a range of settings, which has led to concern that services are fragmented (Pascal, 2009). A number of reports and strategies have aimed to address this concern, including a recently developed coordinated care strategy (Government of Ontario, 2017). In the 2010 plan for full-day kindergarten, inclusive early childhood education and care was also to be enacted within child and family centres. The plan was intended to expand access to services for children with special needs (such as early intervention, speech and language, and other developmental services), as well as to integrate services across childcare, family support, early intervention, and kindergarten (Pascal, 2009). 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引用次数: 5

Abstract

This study examines transitions to school from the standpoint of the work of families. We identify systemic differences constructed through state responses to childhood disability. Based on data from a longitudinal institutional ethnography conducted in Ontario, Canada, these differences illuminate the ways in which ability and disability are constructed in early childhood, and how these constructs are reinforced through procedures, policies, and documentation. Ultimately, we identify five key phenomena in the study: implicit messages of exclusion, the work of families, the supremacy of labels, a fallacy of choice, and the flexibility of institutions to adapt for children. These findings are taken up in the context of broader discourses of school readiness and transition to school with the intention of expanding our conversation about transitions. Researchers and advocates in early childhood education, care, and intervention have long held that positive child outcomes require that services for young children and families be comprehensive, inclusive, integrated, and family-centered (Bricker, Xie, & Bohjanen, 2018). Yet, many early childhood and kindergarten programs are excluding children from important sites of social, cultural, and community participation. Of particular interest to researchers has been the transition from early years services into school kindergarten programs. Transitions into kindergarten happen at an important developmental time in Underwood, Frankel, Parekh, & Janus 136 Exceptionality Education International, 2019, Vol. 29, No. 3 children’s lives, and research shows that children’s development at school entry can be directly linked to later school outcomes (Brownell et al., 2016; Caspe, Lopez, & Chattrabhuti, 2015; Janus, Labonté, Kirkpatrick, Davies, & Duku, 2017). This research is translating into international interest in early years programs and the potential to impact inequality through early intervention and inclusive early childhood services (Lombardi, 2018; The Lancet, 2016; Wertlieb, 2018; World Health Organisation, 2018). We hypothesize that the transition to school provides an opportunity to understand the power that institutions hold over children and their families, particularly for children who are perceived to have development outside of what is conceived as a normal or typical developmental trajectory. This article presents findings about transitions to kindergarten, gleaned from the Inclusive Early Childhood Service System (IECSS) project, a Canadian longitudinal investigation, which seeks to understand broader social responses to disability through mapping institutional interactions from the standpoint of families. In this article, we examine institutional practice in early childhood and kindergarten programs and the transitions between these two state-organized stages of life. We argue that these institutional procedures illuminate important sites of power and dominant ways of thinking about disability that ultimately impact the degree to which families are managed and included through the transition process. Transitions to School Research on transitions typically focuses on two key areas. The first is the transition activities that educators implement, and second are the skills or capabilities that will make children successful in and beyond the transition into school. Educator transition activities commonly include information sharing through orientation events or sending information home, and sometimes home visits (Little, Cohen-Vogel, & Chris Curran, 2016). However, higher intensity activities such as visiting a child at home or extended visits to the classroom in advance are less common (Little et al., 2016). Kindergarten transition is of particular concern for families whose children had special needs (note this term is widely used in institutions to describe disabled children and those who are receiving atypical services; McIntyre, Eckert, Fiese, DiGennaro Reed, & Wildenger, 2010). In these cases, higher intensity transition activities may be of particular importance to families who have participated in early intervention services, partly because their expectations have been set through longer histories with professionals, and because the relationships with professionals in the early years are often more welcoming to families than those in schools (Janus, Cameron, Lefort, & Kopechanski, 2007). The research links transition activities to better outcomes that are typically defined in terms of academic achievement (Schulting, Malone, & Dodge, 2005) or social skills (Wildenger Welchons & McIntyre, 2015a, 2015b). Current research into what are considered best practices around transition activities is scant. Any implementation of transition-related activities appears to be of benefit, particularly from the perspective of parent satisfaction (Kang, 2010; McIntyre et al., 2010). However, in one study, schools described as under-resourced were found to engage in fewer transition activities (Little et al., 2016). Further, McIntyre et al. (2010) found more transition concerns for families whose children were identified with special needs. In addition, McIntyre et al. found Transitioning Work of Families Exceptionality Education International, 2019, Vol. 29, No. 3 137 these families were more likely to be racialized and to have lower education and lower incomes, raising concerns about the intersectional nature of relationships for families with disabled children at the point of transition. In addition to research on educator activities, there is a body of literature on the skills that children, families, and educators may need for successful transition into school. For children, these skills are often described as school readiness, a concept that is widely critiqued but that includes social and developmental competencies, understanding of rules, and behavioural dispositions (Dockett & Perry, 2001). Criticism of the school readiness discourses raises concern that it does not “recognize difference and diversity as positive aspects of educational communities” (Evans, 2013, p. 172). For example, research has linked school readiness to familyand child-level characteristics including sex, age, and socio-economic status (e.g., Janus & Duku, 2007). In early primary programs, individual characteristics, particularly children’s behaviour, are better predictors of school success than school transition practices (McIntyre, Blacher, & Baker, 2006). Parents also raise worries about children making friends, following directions, and making their needs known (McIntyre et al., 2010). In addition to the international literature on transitions, Canadian researchers have begun to examine the structural considerations that might lead to more complex thinking about early childhood disability experiences. For children who have experienced disability in their early years, and their families, the transition into kindergarten can be fraught with anxiety, contradiction, and uncertainty. Janus et al. (2007) noted that little is known about the process of complex transitions into kindergarten for these children. Literature informs us that systemic, administrative, and individual barriers exacerbate the challenges faced by families during these transitions (Janus et al., 2007; Siddiqua & Janus, 2017). Parents of young children identified with developmental disabilities and delays state that the lack of information and communication they experienced at transition into kindergarten forced them into advocacy roles (Villeneuve et al., 2013). These parents note that after an initial interprofessional meeting to plan the transition prior to school entry they had little contact from the school to follow up on planned decisions, and they did not know which professional in the school to contact to facilitate these plans. Parents also hold concerns around scheduling and staff openness (Kang, 2010). Finally, while transitions are a time of immense change for all children and families, parents of disabled children report more concerns with the transition than families of nondisabled children (McIntyre et al., 2010). Parents’ satisfaction with relationship and quality of services are also tied to transition services (Siddiqua & Janus, 2017). What may be most challenging, however, is that these families who are likely to have had much more interaction with professionals (as noted above) are in the position of having to relearn what is expected of them in their new role, a key part of transitions (Hirst, Jervis, Visagie, Sojo, & Cavanagh, 2011; McIntyre et al., 2010). Authentic collaboration between schools and families is considered crucial for smooth transitions, but this may be a mechanism for assimilation into school routines and practices rather than for collaboration and partnership (Hirst et al., 2011). Underwood, Frankel, Parekh, & Janus 138 Exceptionality Education International, 2019, Vol. 29, No. 3 The Context The full-day kindergarten program in Ontario is relatively new. The implementation of the program for 4and 5-year-olds was rolled out in a limited number of schools, in 2010. Full implementation was complete in 2016. Early intervention services in Ontario are delivered in a range of settings, which has led to concern that services are fragmented (Pascal, 2009). A number of reports and strategies have aimed to address this concern, including a recently developed coordinated care strategy (Government of Ontario, 2017). In the 2010 plan for full-day kindergarten, inclusive early childhood education and care was also to be enacted within child and family centres. The plan was intended to expand access to services for children with special needs (such as early intervention, speech and language, and other developmental services), as well as to integrate services across childcare, family support, early intervention, and kindergarten (Pascal, 2009). Unfortunately, when full-day kindergarten was implemented, no
家庭的过渡工作
本研究从家庭工作的角度考察了向学校的过渡。我们通过国家对儿童残疾的反应来确定系统差异。基于在加拿大安大略省进行的纵向制度人种学的数据,这些差异阐明了在儿童早期构建能力和残疾的方式,以及这些构建如何通过程序、政策和文件得到加强。最后,我们在研究中确定了五个关键现象:隐含的排斥信息、家庭的工作、标签至上、选择谬误以及机构适应儿童的灵活性。这些发现是在更广泛的关于入学准备和向学校过渡的话语的背景下进行的,目的是扩大我们关于过渡的对话。长期以来,幼儿教育、护理和干预领域的研究人员和倡导者一直认为,积极的儿童成果要求为幼儿和家庭提供全面、包容、综合和以家庭为中心的服务(Bricker, Xie, & Bohjanen, 2018)。然而,许多幼儿和幼儿园项目将儿童排除在社会、文化和社区参与的重要场所之外。研究人员特别感兴趣的是从早期服务到学校幼儿园项目的转变。在Underwood, Frankel, Parekh, & Janus中,进入幼儿园的过渡发生在一个重要的发展时期(136 Exceptionality Education International, 2019, Vol. 29, No. 3 children 's life),研究表明,儿童入学时的发展可以直接与后来的学业成绩挂钩(Brownell et al., 2016;Caspe, Lopez, & Chattrabhuti, 2015;Janus, labont<e:1>, Kirkpatrick, Davies, & Duku, 2017)。这项研究正在转化为国际上对早期教育项目的兴趣,以及通过早期干预和包容性幼儿服务影响不平等的潜力(Lombardi, 2018;《柳叶刀》,2016;Wertlieb, 2018;世界卫生组织,2018年)。我们假设,向学校的过渡提供了一个机会来理解机构对儿童及其家庭的影响力,特别是对那些被认为在正常或典型发展轨迹之外发展的儿童。本文介绍了从包容性幼儿服务系统(IECSS)项目中收集到的关于向幼儿园过渡的发现,该项目是加拿大的一项纵向调查,旨在通过从家庭的角度绘制机构互动图,了解更广泛的社会对残疾的反应。在这篇文章中,我们研究了幼儿和幼儿园项目的制度实践以及这两个国家组织的生活阶段之间的过渡。我们认为,这些制度程序阐明了重要的权力场所和对残疾的主要思考方式,最终影响了家庭在过渡过程中的管理和包容程度。对学校转型的研究通常集中在两个关键领域。第一个是教育工作者实施的过渡活动,第二个是使儿童在过渡到学校内外取得成功的技能或能力。教育者过渡活动通常包括通过定向活动或将信息发送回家分享信息,有时还包括家访(Little, Cohen-Vogel, & Chris Curran, 2016)。然而,高强度的活动,如去家里看望孩子或提前对教室进行长时间的探访,就不太常见了(Little等,2016)。对于有特殊需要儿童的家庭来说,过渡到幼稚园尤其值得关注(注意,这个词在机构中广泛用于描述残疾儿童和接受非典型服务的儿童;McIntyre, Eckert, Fiese, DiGennaro Reed, & Wildenger, 2010)。在这些情况下,高强度的过渡活动可能对参与早期干预服务的家庭特别重要,部分原因是他们的期望是通过与专业人员的较长历史建立起来的,并且因为早期与专业人员的关系通常比学校的关系更受家庭欢迎(Janus, Cameron, Lefort, & Kopechanski, 2007)。该研究将过渡活动与更好的结果联系起来,这些结果通常由学业成就(Schulting, Malone, & Dodge, 2005)或社交技能(Wildenger Welchons & McIntyre, 2015a, 2015b)来定义。目前关于围绕转换活动的最佳实践的研究很少。任何与过渡相关的活动的实施似乎都是有益的,特别是从父母满意度的角度来看(Kang, 2010;McIntyre et al., 2010)。 然而,在一项研究中,发现被描述为资源不足的学校参与的过渡活动较少(Little et al., 2016)。此外,McIntyre等人(2010)发现,那些孩子被认为有特殊需要的家庭对过渡有更多的担忧。此外,McIntyre等人在《家庭过渡工作》(transition Work of Families Exceptionality Education International, 2019, Vol. 29, No. 3 137)中发现,这些家庭更有可能被种族化,受教育程度更低,收入更低,这引发了人们对残疾儿童家庭在过渡阶段关系交叉性的担忧。除了对教育者活动的研究之外,还有大量关于儿童、家庭和教育者成功过渡到学校可能需要的技能的文献。对于儿童来说,这些技能通常被描述为入学准备,这是一个受到广泛批评的概念,但它包括社会和发展能力,对规则的理解以及行为倾向(Dockett & Perry, 2001)。对入学准备话语的批评引发了人们的担忧,即它没有“认识到差异和多样性是教育社区的积极方面”(Evans, 2013, p. 172)。例如,研究将入学准备与家庭和儿童层面的特征联系起来,包括性别、年龄和社会经济地位(例如,Janus & Duku, 2007)。在早期小学项目中,个体特征,特别是儿童行为,比学校过渡实践更能预测学校的成功(McIntyre, Blacher, & Baker, 2006)。父母也会对孩子交朋友、听从指示和表达自己的需求感到担忧(McIntyre et al., 2010)。除了关于过渡的国际文献外,加拿大的研究人员已经开始研究可能导致对早期儿童残疾经历更复杂思考的结构性因素。对于那些早年经历过残疾的孩子和他们的家庭来说,过渡到幼儿园可能充满了焦虑、矛盾和不确定性。Janus等人(2007)指出,这些孩子进入幼儿园的复杂过渡过程鲜为人知。文献告诉我们,制度、行政和个人障碍加剧了家庭在这些转变过程中面临的挑战(Janus等人,2007;Siddiqua & Janus, 2017)。患有发育障碍和发育迟缓儿童的父母表示,他们在过渡到幼儿园时缺乏信息和沟通,迫使他们扮演倡导角色(Villeneuve et al., 2013)。这些家长注意到,在入学前,在最初的跨专业会议上计划过渡之后,他们几乎没有从学校联系到跟进计划决定的人,他们也不知道应该联系学校的哪个专业人员来促进这些计划。家长也会关注日程安排和员工的开放性(Kang, 2010)。最后,虽然过渡时期对所有儿童和家庭来说都是一个巨大的变化,但残疾儿童的父母比非残疾儿童的家庭更关心过渡时期(McIntyre et al., 2010)。父母对关系和服务质量的满意度也与过渡服务有关(Siddiqua & Janus, 2017)。然而,最具挑战性的可能是,这些可能与专业人士有更多互动的家庭(如上所述)处于必须重新学习新角色对他们的期望的位置,这是过渡的关键部分(Hirst, Jervis, Visagie, Sojo, & Cavanagh, 2011;McIntyre et al., 2010)。学校和家庭之间的真正合作被认为是平稳过渡的关键,但这可能是一种融入学校常规和实践的机制,而不是合作和伙伴关系(Hirst et al., 2011)。Underwood, Frankel, Parekh, & Janus 138《卓越教育国际》,2019,Vol. 29, No. 3背景安大略省的全日制幼儿园项目相对较新。2010年,针对4、5岁儿童的这项计划在有限的几所学校开始实施。2016年全面实施。安大略省的早期干预服务是在一系列环境中提供的,这导致了对服务碎片化的担忧(Pascal, 2009)。许多报告和战略旨在解决这一问题,包括最近制定的协调护理战略(安大略省政府,2017年)。在2010年全日制幼儿园计划中,还将在儿童和家庭中心实施包容性幼儿教育和照料。 该计划旨在扩大有特殊需要的儿童获得服务的机会(如早期干预、言语和语言以及其他发展服务),并整合儿童保育、家庭支持、早期干预和幼儿园之间的服务(Pascal, 2009)。不幸的是,当实行全日制幼儿园时,没有
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Exceptionality Education International
Exceptionality Education International Social Sciences-Education
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