Politics and historical revisionism: Flows of relativizaton of collaborationism and normalization of „Ravna Gora antifascism“

Q4 Arts and Humanities
Safet Bandžović
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Every political and ideological victory, \"must find its legitimate stronghold in the past.\" The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a \"civil war between different memories\", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in \"transitional historiography\", along with the new \"reduction of totality\", led to \"retraditionalization\", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical \"re-nationalization\". None of them carried out such a \"thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism\" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of \"good\" nationalism, which for many is \"elementary patriotism\". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became \"misunderstood victims of historical destiny.\" Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to \"anti-anti-fascism\". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for \"historical truths\" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a \"desirable history\", it is \"a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals.\" The obvious expression is \"political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orientations in it\". 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With the adoption of certain laws and the application of a whole arsenal of rhetorical means and concealment of a number of historical facts, the notion of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement in Ravna Gora was especially reworked, neglecting and relativizing his criminal practice, to make this \"new anti-fascist\" side a desirable \"pre-communist ancestor\". \"authorities. This collaborationist movement is also relieved through anti-communism, it is marked as patriotic and anti-totalitarian. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, "must find its legitimate stronghold in the past." The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a "civil war between different memories", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in "transitional historiography", along with the new "reduction of totality", led to "retraditionalization", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical "re-nationalization". None of them carried out such a "thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of "good" nationalism, which for many is "elementary patriotism". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became "misunderstood victims of historical destiny." Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to "anti-anti-fascism". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for "historical truths" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a "desirable history", it is "a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals." The obvious expression is "political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orientations in it". Judicial rehabilitation is understood as an ideological and political measure of revision of history. A distinction should be made between the individual rehabilitation of innocent victims of persecution by the authorities after 1945 and a light revision of history. The political and ideological aspects of rehabilitation, with the support of the media and the pseudo-legal mechanism, include manipulating a number of topics to delegitimize the system that changed social, economic, political and national relations after 1945 - characteristic of monarchist Yugoslavia. In revisionist historiography, communists are treated as opponents of Serbian national interests ("red devils"), intruders in national history, and the socialist revolution as an excess. With the adoption of certain laws and the application of a whole arsenal of rhetorical means and concealment of a number of historical facts, the notion of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement in Ravna Gora was especially reworked, neglecting and relativizing his criminal practice, to make this "new anti-fascist" side a desirable "pre-communist ancestor". "authorities. This collaborationist movement is also relieved through anti-communism, it is marked as patriotic and anti-totalitarian. His rehabilitation in Serbia has multiple meanings and consequences in its social life, but also in regional relations.
政治与历史修正主义:合作主义的相对主义与“Ravna Gora反法西斯主义”的规范化
20世纪末,随着地缘政治的重大变化,巴尔干地区的人民和国家对自己过去的看法也发生了深刻变化。国家和意识形态力量与地方统治利益之间的全球关系的复杂渗透,鼓励了它的加工和工具化。每一次政治和意识形态的胜利,“都必须在过去找到它的合法据点”。意识形态范式与南斯拉夫国家联盟的解体,伴随着从外部对过去的平衡,按照时代利益和主导政治,加速构建新的国家认同,爆发“不同记忆之间的内战”,意识的逆转。后南斯拉夫国家的这些进程,在“过渡史学”中,伴随着新的“总体减少”,导致了“再传统化”,导致了历史修正主义的问题浪潮,特别是与第二次世界大战有关的历史修正主义,纠正所谓的历史不公正,正常化合作主义,反法西斯主义概念的国家化和相对化。作为激进“再民族化”大趋势的一部分,这些国家的民族史学从过去对人民解放运动(NOP)的美化转向了对其的相对化。没有一个国家像塞尔维亚那样,与NOP的反法西斯主义进行了“彻底的对抗”。许多历史学家在准科学组织的参与下,为贬低反法西斯遗产和恢复吉斯林力量的建设提供了合法性。对历史的歪曲也导致了他们的责任的相对化,而牺牲了那些部分地确认自己是反法西斯主义者的人。复仇主义史学强加了另一种事实。对“好的”民族主义的定义有一个真正的共识,对许多人来说,这是“基本的爱国主义”。各种民族主义思潮都被描绘成反法西斯的。1945年战败的卖国势力成了“被误解的历史命运的受害者”。他们的行动被置于反共产主义的背景下,在合理的国家政治中得到促进。贬损反法西斯主义也导致了“反反法西斯主义”。他将法西斯分子及其合作者的罪行相对化,重新评估了受害者和刽子手。像在塞尔维亚发生的那样,“历史真相”被写入议会并通过法律颁布,这是不常见的做法。法院和议会不能肯定某人的历史角色。历史科学可以做到这一点。修正主义是建立在选择性遗忘和构建“理想历史”的基础上的,它是“出于明确或隐蔽的意图,为狭隘的国家或政治目标辩护,对过去进行的重新设计。”最明显的表述是“一个社会中的政治文化,即它讲的是这个社会中占主导地位的政治价值取向”。司法复兴是一种修正历史的思想和政治手段。应该区分1945年以后当局迫害的无辜受害者的个人康复和轻微修改历史。在新闻媒介和伪法律机制的支持下,复原的政治和意识形态方面包括操纵一些议题,使1945年以后改变了社会、经济、政治和国家关系的制度不合法- -这是君主主义南斯拉夫的特点。在修正主义史学中,共产主义者被视为塞尔维亚民族利益的反对者(“红魔”),民族历史的入侵者,社会主义革命被视为多余的。随着某些法律的通过和一整套修辞手段的应用以及对一些历史事实的隐瞒,Draža米哈伊洛维奇在拉夫纳戈拉的切特尼克运动的概念被特别地重新设计,忽略和相对化了他的犯罪行为,使这个“新的反法西斯”方面成为一个可取的“前共产主义祖先”。“当局。这种通敌主义运动也通过反共得到缓解,它被标记为爱国和反极权主义。他在塞尔维亚的康复不仅对社会生活有多重意义,而且对地区关系也有多重影响。
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Historijski pogledi
Historijski pogledi Arts and Humanities-History
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