{"title":"Latinx Agencies: Emerging Histories of Politicians, Religious Leaders, and Undocumented Migrants","authors":"Kristen Hernandez","doi":"10.1353/rah.2021.0058","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Michael Fortner’s 2015 Black Silent Majority: The Rockefeller Drug Laws and the Politics of Punishment put forth a controversial thesis: “black middle-class morality” and “members of the black silent majority” compelled this particular Black socioeconomic group to “prioritize public safety over economic and racial inequality. It drove them to rally and rail against ‘hoodlums’ instead of seeking reform of society.”1 Fortner’s analysis of late 1960s and 1970s drug laws and ethnic-racial identity provided a different interpretation into mass incarceration’s origins that would continue to proliferate under President Ronald Reagan’s “war on drugs.”2 Fortner asked scholars to take “black agency seriously” when considering an African American history that did not reflect Black people simply as victims or as interlocutors in a declension narrative or narrative of dominance.3 Furthermore, he wrote that specialists could acknowledge Black agency while not maintaining that African Americans had complete control over political outcomes.4 Historians such as Donna Murch, Khalil Gibran Muhammad, and Heather Ann Thompson have all disputed Fortner’s reconstitution of Black agency for false structural agency, arguing that there are not sufficient sources to reframe one of the origins behind mass incarceration to a Black middle class.5 Yet Fortner’s book leaves its reader with a particular question: if scholars place agency onto racialized communities,","PeriodicalId":43597,"journal":{"name":"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY","volume":"49 1","pages":"599 - 609"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2021-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"REVIEWS IN AMERICAN HISTORY","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/rah.2021.0058","RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
Michael Fortner’s 2015 Black Silent Majority: The Rockefeller Drug Laws and the Politics of Punishment put forth a controversial thesis: “black middle-class morality” and “members of the black silent majority” compelled this particular Black socioeconomic group to “prioritize public safety over economic and racial inequality. It drove them to rally and rail against ‘hoodlums’ instead of seeking reform of society.”1 Fortner’s analysis of late 1960s and 1970s drug laws and ethnic-racial identity provided a different interpretation into mass incarceration’s origins that would continue to proliferate under President Ronald Reagan’s “war on drugs.”2 Fortner asked scholars to take “black agency seriously” when considering an African American history that did not reflect Black people simply as victims or as interlocutors in a declension narrative or narrative of dominance.3 Furthermore, he wrote that specialists could acknowledge Black agency while not maintaining that African Americans had complete control over political outcomes.4 Historians such as Donna Murch, Khalil Gibran Muhammad, and Heather Ann Thompson have all disputed Fortner’s reconstitution of Black agency for false structural agency, arguing that there are not sufficient sources to reframe one of the origins behind mass incarceration to a Black middle class.5 Yet Fortner’s book leaves its reader with a particular question: if scholars place agency onto racialized communities,
迈克尔·福特纳(Michael Fortner)2015年的《黑人沉默多数:洛克菲勒毒品法与惩罚政治》(Black Silent Majority:The Rockefeller Drug Laws and The Politics of Pension)提出了一个有争议的论点:“黑人中产阶级道德”和“黑人沉默多数成员”迫使这个特定的黑人社会经济群体“将公共安全置于经济和种族不平等之上。这促使他们团结起来,谴责‘流氓’,而不是寻求社会改革。1福特纳对20世纪60年代末和70年代毒品法和种族认同的分析为大规模监禁的起源提供了不同的解释,在罗纳德·里根总统的“禁毒战争”下,大规模监禁将继续激增。“2 Fortner要求学者们在考虑一段非裔美国人的历史时,要认真对待“黑人代理”,因为这段历史并没有将黑人简单地反映为受害者或主导叙事中的对话者。3此外,他写道,专家们可以承认黑人机构,但不能坚持认为非裔美国人对政治结果有完全的控制权。4历史学家,如Donna Murch、Khalil Gibran Muhammad和Heather Ann Thompson,都对Fortner将黑人机构重组为虚假的结构机构提出了质疑,认为没有足够的来源将大规模监禁背后的起源之一重新定义为黑人中产阶级。5然而,福特纳的书给读者留下了一个特殊的问题:如果学者们将代理权放在种族化的社区上,
期刊介绍:
Reviews in American History provides an effective means for scholars and students of American history to stay up to date in their discipline. Each issue presents in-depth reviews of over thirty of the newest books in American history. Retrospective essays examining landmark works by major historians are also regularly featured. The journal covers all areas of American history including economics, military history, women in history, law, political history and philosophy, religion, social history, intellectual history, and cultural history. Readers can expect continued coverage of both traditional and new subjects of American history, always blending the recognition of recent developments with the ongoing importance of the core matter of the field.