Implicit Bias Is a Public-Health Problem, and Hearts and Minds Are Part of the Solution

IF 18.2 1区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY
M. Olson, L. Gill
{"title":"Implicit Bias Is a Public-Health Problem, and Hearts and Minds Are Part of the Solution","authors":"M. Olson, L. Gill","doi":"10.1177/15291006221094508","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Greenwald, Dasgupta, Dovidio, Kang, Moss-Racusin, and Teachman (this issue) distinguish among individual-, group-, and institutional-level interventions to reduce discrimination. We refer to the first two as “hearts and minds” approaches because they are designed to mitigate or reduce prejudice within individuals. Institutionallevel interventions, on the other hand, attempt to render individual biases irrelevant to decision processes through organizational policies and practices. On the basis of the available evidence, the authors of the target article doubt the efficacy of hearts-and-minds approaches and emphasize the prospects of institutional-level approaches from a preventative public-health perspective. As we are all steeped in the same literatures, we sympathize with the authors’ doubt. However, and despite both social and scientific attention away from individual bias and toward systemic bias, we argue that it is difficult to create systemic change by bypassing hearts and minds and that interventions attempting to change them should be preserved and refined. To that end, we offer a framework that we hope will advance research and interventions that target groups and individuals. Ultimately, we encourage an integration of individual-level and public-health perspectives to address implicit bias. Before presenting our case, it is worth noting that we have few substantive disagreements with the authors’ take on the literature as it presently sits. We are in general agreement that implicit bias is pervasive and influential, that the Implicit Association Test (IAT) is a reasonably good tool with which assess it, and that implicit bias and explicit bias are not necessarily distinct entities in people’s heads (cf. Wilson et al., 2000). We also agree, and echo work by Paluck (e.g., Paluck et al., 2021) and Lai (e.g., Lai et al., 2016), that interventions designed to weaken implicit bias (or prejudice generally) tend to disappoint once they leave the confines of a single laboratory session. Our points of departure from the authors include how implicit bias ought to be conceptualized and its modes of influence on judgments and behavior. Each of these have implications for interventions aimed at both mitigating bias’s impact and reducing bias itself. We also offer insight into two questions posed by the authors for which they believe there is insufficient data to answer: (a) “Are implicit biases introspectively (consciously) accessible?” (we think they are) and (b) “How do the association strengths measured by the IAT influence social behavior?” (we will explain below). The dual-process framework we describe may help resolve some of these disagreements, illuminate when and how individual implicit bias leads to discrimination, and explain how interventions might be improved to mitigate or reduce it. A primary point we hope to convey is that the institutional policies and practices informed by publichealth perspectives are not immune to the effects of biased individual hearts and minds. Policies and practices are proposed, adopted, enforced, and evaluated by individuals. Without buy-in by individuals who have power within organizations, policies and practices are likely to be inconsistently enforced or actively undermined (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016; Pearce & Conger, 2003). People wish to see value in their work and do not like to be told what to do. Interventions that do not seek buy-in, emphasize what not to do, or are perceived to reduce individual autonomy are likely to backfire (e.g., Does et al., 2011; Legault et al., 2011). In fact, from a historical perspective, some argue that institutional change has been driven more by individuals at the grass-roots level than by institutional leadership (e.g., Scott, 2012). For example, social-movement theory recognizes the limitations of top-down-only approaches and highlight the role of “tempered radicals,” who work within organizations to effect change from the bottom up, even without formal power (Meyerson, 2003).","PeriodicalId":20879,"journal":{"name":"Psychological Science in the Public Interest","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":18.2000,"publicationDate":"2022-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"2","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Psychological Science in the Public Interest","FirstCategoryId":"102","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1177/15291006221094508","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"心理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2

Abstract

Greenwald, Dasgupta, Dovidio, Kang, Moss-Racusin, and Teachman (this issue) distinguish among individual-, group-, and institutional-level interventions to reduce discrimination. We refer to the first two as “hearts and minds” approaches because they are designed to mitigate or reduce prejudice within individuals. Institutionallevel interventions, on the other hand, attempt to render individual biases irrelevant to decision processes through organizational policies and practices. On the basis of the available evidence, the authors of the target article doubt the efficacy of hearts-and-minds approaches and emphasize the prospects of institutional-level approaches from a preventative public-health perspective. As we are all steeped in the same literatures, we sympathize with the authors’ doubt. However, and despite both social and scientific attention away from individual bias and toward systemic bias, we argue that it is difficult to create systemic change by bypassing hearts and minds and that interventions attempting to change them should be preserved and refined. To that end, we offer a framework that we hope will advance research and interventions that target groups and individuals. Ultimately, we encourage an integration of individual-level and public-health perspectives to address implicit bias. Before presenting our case, it is worth noting that we have few substantive disagreements with the authors’ take on the literature as it presently sits. We are in general agreement that implicit bias is pervasive and influential, that the Implicit Association Test (IAT) is a reasonably good tool with which assess it, and that implicit bias and explicit bias are not necessarily distinct entities in people’s heads (cf. Wilson et al., 2000). We also agree, and echo work by Paluck (e.g., Paluck et al., 2021) and Lai (e.g., Lai et al., 2016), that interventions designed to weaken implicit bias (or prejudice generally) tend to disappoint once they leave the confines of a single laboratory session. Our points of departure from the authors include how implicit bias ought to be conceptualized and its modes of influence on judgments and behavior. Each of these have implications for interventions aimed at both mitigating bias’s impact and reducing bias itself. We also offer insight into two questions posed by the authors for which they believe there is insufficient data to answer: (a) “Are implicit biases introspectively (consciously) accessible?” (we think they are) and (b) “How do the association strengths measured by the IAT influence social behavior?” (we will explain below). The dual-process framework we describe may help resolve some of these disagreements, illuminate when and how individual implicit bias leads to discrimination, and explain how interventions might be improved to mitigate or reduce it. A primary point we hope to convey is that the institutional policies and practices informed by publichealth perspectives are not immune to the effects of biased individual hearts and minds. Policies and practices are proposed, adopted, enforced, and evaluated by individuals. Without buy-in by individuals who have power within organizations, policies and practices are likely to be inconsistently enforced or actively undermined (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016; Pearce & Conger, 2003). People wish to see value in their work and do not like to be told what to do. Interventions that do not seek buy-in, emphasize what not to do, or are perceived to reduce individual autonomy are likely to backfire (e.g., Does et al., 2011; Legault et al., 2011). In fact, from a historical perspective, some argue that institutional change has been driven more by individuals at the grass-roots level than by institutional leadership (e.g., Scott, 2012). For example, social-movement theory recognizes the limitations of top-down-only approaches and highlight the role of “tempered radicals,” who work within organizations to effect change from the bottom up, even without formal power (Meyerson, 2003).
隐性偏见是一个公共卫生问题,心灵是解决方案的一部分
Greenwald、Dasgupta、Dovidio、Kang、Moss-Racusin和Teachman(本期)对减少歧视的个人、群体和机构层面的干预进行了区分。我们将前两种方法称为“心灵和思想”方法,因为它们旨在减轻或减少个人内部的偏见。另一方面,制度层面的干预试图通过组织政策和实践使个人偏见与决策过程无关。根据现有证据,目标文章的作者怀疑心灵和思想方法的有效性,并从预防性公共卫生的角度强调机构一级方法的前景。由于我们都沉浸在同样的文学作品中,我们对作者的怀疑表示同情。然而,尽管社会和科学的注意力从个人偏见转向系统偏见,但我们认为,通过绕过心灵和思想来创造系统变化是困难的,试图改变它们的干预措施应该得到保留和改进。为此目的,我们提供了一个框架,我们希望它将促进针对群体和个人的研究和干预。最后,我们鼓励将个人层面和公共卫生观点结合起来,以解决内隐偏见。在提出我们的案例之前,值得注意的是,我们对作者目前对文献的看法几乎没有实质性的分歧。我们普遍认为内隐偏见是普遍和有影响力的,内隐联想测试(IAT)是一个相当好的评估工具,内隐偏见和外显偏见在人们的头脑中不一定是不同的实体(参见Wilson等人,2000)。我们也同意并赞同Paluck(例如,Paluck等人,2021)和Lai(例如,Lai等人,2016)的研究,即旨在削弱内隐偏见(或一般偏见)的干预措施一旦离开单个实验室会议的范围,往往会令人失望。我们与作者的不同之处包括如何将内隐偏见概念化及其对判断和行为的影响模式。每一项都对旨在减轻偏见影响和减少偏见本身的干预措施产生影响。我们还对作者提出的两个问题提出了见解,他们认为没有足够的数据来回答:(a)“内隐偏见是内省(有意识)可理解的吗?”(我们认为它们是)和(b)“IAT测量的联想强度如何影响社会行为?”(我们将在下面解释)。我们所描述的双过程框架可能有助于解决其中的一些分歧,阐明个人内隐偏见何时以及如何导致歧视,并解释如何改进干预措施以减轻或减少歧视。我们希望传达的一个主要观点是,以公共卫生观点为依据的体制政策和做法并非不受个人偏见思想的影响。政策和实践由个人提出、采用、执行和评估。如果没有组织内部拥有权力的个人的支持,政策和实践可能会被不一致地执行或积极地破坏(Dobbin & Kalev, 2016;Pearce & Conger, 2003)。人们希望看到自己工作的价值,不喜欢别人告诉他们该做什么。不寻求认同、强调不能做什么或被认为会降低个人自主性的干预措施可能会适得其反(例如,Does等人,2011;Legault et al., 2011)。事实上,从历史的角度来看,一些人认为制度变革更多地是由基层个人而不是机构领导推动的(例如,Scott, 2012)。例如,社会运动理论认识到自上而下的方法的局限性,并强调了“温和的激进分子”的作用,他们在组织内部工作,即使没有正式的权力,也能自下而上地实现变革(Meyerson, 2003)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
Psychological Science in the Public Interest
Psychological Science in the Public Interest PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY-
CiteScore
44.80
自引率
0.40%
发文量
7
期刊介绍: Psychological Science in the Public Interest (PSPI) is a distinctive journal that provides in-depth and compelling reviews on issues directly relevant to the general public. Authored by expert teams with diverse perspectives, these reviews aim to evaluate the current state-of-the-science on various topics. PSPI reports have addressed issues such as questioning the validity of the Rorschach and other projective tests, examining strategies to maintain cognitive sharpness in aging brains, and highlighting concerns within the field of clinical psychology. Notably, PSPI reports are frequently featured in Scientific American Mind and covered by various major media outlets.
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术官方微信