Academic Apartheid: Race and the Criminalization of Failure in an American Suburb

IF 0.3 4区 社会学 Q4 SOCIOLOGY
Jasmine L. Whiteside, M. Gast
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

in three different regions (Bosnia Herzegovina=Islam; Croatia=Western; Macedonia, now Macedonia/North-Macedonia=Orthodox). I would also have liked to see a map of these regions here. Nonetheless, the chapter concludes that overall transnationalism is and continues to be regionally structured. It segues into Chapter Four, which addresses why regionalism occurs. Chapter Four tests for various contexts that may affect a region, such as culture, economy, technology, and political, legal, and geographic contexts. The chapter is more technical and methodheavy than the rest of the book. It concludes that geographic proximity is the strongest explanation for transnational human activity’s clustering within world regions and that political, economic, and cultural factors play a much weaker role. These patterns hold for both transnational human mobility and communication. I enjoyed Chapter Five, the final content chapter, the most. Here, Deutschmann grapples with two central questions. First, are the patterns of transnational human activity observed in Chapters Three and Four unique to human activity; and second, will space and distance matter, or will their role vanish as predicted by many social scientists? Using Lévy flight, a mathematical model that shows that mobility is most likely to occur over short distances as opposed to long distances, across species, Mapping the Transnational World shows that humans, just like sharks, tend to be more likely to move across short distances and thus regionally. What is more, the chapter shows that geography does matter and continues to shape patterns of human activity across the globe. And while it has certainly become easier to overcome distances, this—as Mapping the Transnational World argues—does not mean that transnational human activity has become more global. Instead, Deutschmann asks us to think of what is typically considered globalization as mobilization. Mapping the Transnational World is a timely and important read. I appreciated the way Deutschmann describes the data used and analyzed in a way that is easily understandable even for a reader who may not have a heavy quantitative background. In fact, with its counterintuitive yet wellsubstantiated findings, the book invites the reader to engage with its core questions and themes. For instance, as someone who communicates regularly with family and friends across continents and nation-state borders, I found myself wondering whether an inclusion of recent popular communications applications, such as WhatsApp, would in any way affect the patterns observed by Deutschmann. I can envision Mapping the Transnational World being of interest to scholars and students of globalization, migration, global culture, and international relations.
学术上的种族隔离:种族和美国郊区失败的犯罪化
在三个不同的地区(波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那=伊斯兰教;克罗地亚=西方;马其顿,现在的马其顿/北马其顿=东正教)。我也想在这里看到这些地区的地图。尽管如此,本章的结论是,总体的跨国主义是并将继续是区域结构的。它分为第四章,阐述了区域主义产生的原因。第四章测试了可能影响一个地区的各种背景,如文化、经济、技术以及政治、法律和地理背景。这一章比这本书的其余部分更具技术性和方法性。它得出的结论是,地理邻近是跨国人类活动在世界各地区聚集的最有力解释,而政治、经济和文化因素的作用要弱得多。这些模式适用于跨国人员流动和交流。我最喜欢第五章,最后一章的内容。在这里,Deutschmann努力解决两个核心问题。第一,在第三章和第四章中观察到的跨国人类活动模式是人类活动特有的吗;其次,空间和距离会很重要吗?还是像许多社会科学家预测的那样,它们的作用会消失?Lévy飞行是一个数学模型,表明跨物种的流动最有可能发生在短距离上,而不是长距离上。使用该模型,绘制跨国世界地图显示,人类和鲨鱼一样,往往更有可能跨越短距离,从而在区域内流动。此外,本章还表明,地理确实很重要,并继续塑造全球人类活动的模式。尽管跨越距离肯定变得更容易了,但正如《跨国世界地图》所说,这并不意味着跨国人类活动变得更加全球化。相反,Deutschmann要求我们将全球化视为动员。绘制跨国世界地图是一本及时而重要的读物。我很欣赏Deutschmann以一种易于理解的方式描述所使用和分析的数据,即使对于一个可能没有大量定量背景的读者来说也是如此。事实上,这本书有着违反直觉但又有充分证据的发现,它邀请读者参与其中的核心问题和主题。例如,作为一个经常与跨越大洲和民族国家边界的家人和朋友交流的人,我发现自己在想,加入最近流行的通信应用程序,如WhatsApp,是否会以任何方式影响Deutschmann观察到的模式。我可以想象,全球化、移民、全球文化和国际关系的学者和学生会对绘制跨国世界感兴趣。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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CiteScore
0.20
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发文量
202
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