Reason vs. Religion in Medieval India: Mainly from Evidence in Persian

IF 0.3 2区 历史学 0 MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES
I. Habib
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

The pursuit of reason may be defined as the drawing of logical deductions from a study of actual phenomena, and thus be essentially confined to the results gained from access to the various branches of science. It was in Greece where, from the fifth century BCE onward, rational thought was deemed to have developed most. Greek texts exercised undeniable influence on early thought in the Islamic world, Alberūnī’s Kitabu’l Hind being a remarkable product of that influence. Muslim theologians mounted a tirade against rationality (‘aql), in which the ṣūfīs joined; but since ṣūfic moral thought often tended to override Muslim theology, there could arise figures (even if partly imaginary) like Rābi‘a of Basra, who stood up against theology and its fictions. The conflict between ma‘qūlāt (reason) and manqūlāt (theology) was duly imported into India, along with the arrival of the Arabic–Persian sciences in the 13th and 14th centuries. Here poetry in Persian also became a major vehicle undermining theology. The tendency is partly present in Amīr Khusrau of Delhi (extolling love above theology!), but especially in the Iranian poet Ḥāfiz Shīrāzī, where the sāqī and ale-house constituted the major alternative to the pulpit and the mosque. In Indo-Persian poetry the same role is often ascribed to the but (idol) and the butkhāna (temple). It was under Akbar (r. 1556–1605) that a detailed inquiry (1574 onward) into Islamic beliefs and the doctrines of other religions led to disquiet about their validity. Abū’l Faẓl (d. 1602) became the leading light of a revival of rationality. Akbar’s own critique of Islam was similarly extended to aspects of Hinduism. ‘Urfī represents best the shift to reason, by the boldness of his poetry, rejecting religion for its inadequacy and looking forward to a just world. The seventeenth century did not fulfil the promise of the 16th. There was continuing interest in religion, shown by Jahāngīr’s formula: Tasawwuf = Vedānta; Dārā Shukoh’s translation of the Upanishads; and Mobad’s unique work Dabistān. But there was no corresponding assertion of rationality, whose votaries were reduced to a small band, last described, c. 1655.
中世纪印度的理性与宗教:主要来自波斯语的证据
对理性的追求可以被定义为从对实际现象的研究中得出逻辑推论,因此本质上被限制在从各种科学分支中获得的结果。从公元前5世纪开始,理性思维被认为在希腊发展得最为发达。希腊文本对伊斯兰世界的早期思想产生了不可否认的影响,Alberūnī的Kitabu ' l Hind就是这种影响的显著产物。穆斯林神学家发起了一场反对理性(' aql)的长篇大论,其中ṣūfīs也加入了;但由于ṣūfic道德思想往往凌驾于穆斯林神学之上,因此可能会出现一些人物(即使部分是虚构的),比如巴士拉的Rābi 'a,他站出来反对神学及其虚构。ma 'qūlāt(理性)和manqūlāt(神学)之间的冲突随着13世纪和14世纪阿拉伯-波斯科学的到来而适时地传入印度。在这里,波斯语诗歌也成为削弱神学的主要工具。这种倾向部分出现在德里的amurr Khusrau身上(赞美爱情高于神学!),但尤其在伊朗诗人Ḥāfiz Shīrāzī身上,sāqī和啤酒屋构成了讲坛和清真寺的主要替代品。在印度-波斯诗歌中,同样的角色通常被认为是but(偶像)和butkhāna(神庙)。正是在阿克巴(1556-1605)的领导下,对伊斯兰信仰和其他宗教教义的详细调查(1574年以后)导致了对其有效性的不安。abi ' l Faẓl(约1602年)成为理性复兴的领军人物。阿克巴对伊斯兰教的批判同样延伸到了印度教的各个方面。乌尔夫最能代表理性的转变,他的诗歌大胆,拒绝宗教的不足,并期待一个公正的世界。17世纪并没有实现16世纪的承诺。人们对宗教的兴趣持续存在,这可以从Jahāngīr的公式中看出:Tasawwuf = Vedānta;Dārā Shukoh翻译的奥义书;以及Mobad的独特作品Dabistān。但没有相应的理性主张,其支持者减少到一小部分,最后一次描述是在1655年。
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来源期刊
MEDIEVAL HISTORY JOURNAL
MEDIEVAL HISTORY JOURNAL MEDIEVAL & RENAISSANCE STUDIES-
CiteScore
0.60
自引率
0.00%
发文量
17
期刊介绍: The Medieval History Journal is designed as a forum for expressing spatial and temporal flexibility in defining "medieval" and for capturing its expansive thematic domain. A refereed journal, The Medieval History Journal explores problematics relating to all aspects of societies in the medieval universe. Articles which are comparative and interdisciplinary and those with a broad canvas find particular favour with the journal. It seeks to transcend the narrow boundaries of a single discipline and encompasses the related fields of literature, art, archaeology, anthropology, sociology and human geography.
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