Critical privilege studies: Making visible the reproduction of racism in the everyday and international relations

IF 2.8 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
V. Peterson
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

The world is undeniably in trouble. Crises and corollary insecurities are legible everywhere, marked by environmental degradation, healthcare panics, stark inequalities, militarized conflicts, and the rise of authoritarian movements and virulent alt-right populisms. That racism figures in producing and structuring these entwined crises is widely recognized, and, given its disciplinary remit, international relations is best positioned to examine ‘the link between race as a structuring principle and the transnational processes of accumulation, dispossession, violence and struggle that emerge in its wake’ (Anievas et al., 2015: 9). Yet international relations’ problematic engagement with race is now well-documented,1 including the discipline’s ‘origin’ as an imperial racist project (Vitalis, 2015), the ‘willful amnesia’ that this encouraged (Krishna, 2001: 401), and the legacy of ‘racist epistemological assumptions that inform much of contemporary mainstream and even critical analyses of world politics’ (Sajed, 2016a: 168; see also Grovogui, 1996; Hobson, 2012; Gruffydd Jones, 2016). Revisiting points made in his 1997 book, Charles Mills (2015b: 542) concludes that ‘the racial contract is very much alive and well . . . and the “epistemology of ignorance” that now guards it is as active as ever’. But the problem is larger. Despite abundant evidence of institutionalized racism, international relations persists not only in habitual neglect and a deeply flawed theorization of race, but also in actively resisting, marginalizing, depoliticizing, and hence devalorizing anti-racist research and those who produce it (Bhambra et al., 2020; Chowdhry and Rai, 2009; El-Malik, 2015; Shilliam, 2020; Vitalis, 2015). Given epistemological priorities, we might expect this resistance by conventionally ahistorical, non-reflexive mainstream scholars. But it is unexpected and poses fundamental questions when ardent resistance to critique is practiced by self-identified critical scholars, whose objectives presumably extend beyond the production of ‘more accurate descriptions’ to include the reduction, or at least mitigation, of structural violence. How is it possible for those who
批判性特权研究:让人们看到种族主义在日常和国际关系中的再现
不可否认,世界陷入了困境。危机和随之而来的不安全感随处可见,其特点是环境恶化、医疗恐慌、严重的不平等、军事化冲突,以及威权运动和恶毒的另类右翼民粹主义的兴起。种族主义在产生和构建这些相互交织的危机中发挥了重要作用,这一点得到了广泛认可,鉴于其学科范围,国际关系最适合研究“种族作为一种构建原则与随之而来的积累、剥夺、暴力和斗争的跨国过程之间的联系”(Anievas等人,2015:9)。然而,国际关系中与种族的问题接触现在已经有了充分的记录,1包括该学科作为帝国种族主义项目的“起源”(Vitalis,2015),这鼓励了“故意健忘症”(Krishna,2001:401),以及“为当代主流甚至世界政治的批判性分析提供信息的种族主义认识论假设”的遗产(Sajed,2016a:168;另见Grovogui,1996;霍布森,2012年;Gruffydd Jones,2016)。查尔斯·米尔斯(Charles Mills,2015b:542)回顾了他1997年出版的书中的观点,得出结论:“种族契约非常活跃。而现在保护它的“无知认识论”一如既往地活跃。但问题更大。尽管有大量证据表明种族主义制度化,但国际关系不仅存在习惯性的忽视和对种族的深刻缺陷的理论化,而且还存在积极抵制、边缘化、非政治化,从而贬低反种族主义研究和研究者的价值(Bhambra et al.,2020;Chowdhry和Rai,2009年;El Malik,2015;Shilliam,2020;Vitalis,2015)。考虑到认识论的优先性,我们可能会期待传统的非历史性、非反射性主流学者的这种抵制。但是,当自我认同的批判性学者对批评进行强烈抵制时,这是出乎意料的,并提出了根本性的问题,他们的目标可能超出了“更准确的描述”,包括减少或至少缓解结构性暴力。对于那些
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来源期刊
Security Dialogue
Security Dialogue INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS-
CiteScore
6.10
自引率
6.20%
发文量
19
期刊介绍: Security Dialogue is a fully peer-reviewed and highly ranked international bi-monthly journal that seeks to combine contemporary theoretical analysis with challenges to public policy across a wide ranging field of security studies. Security Dialogue seeks to revisit and recast the concept of security through new approaches and methodologies.
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