To Swim with Crocodiles: Land, Violence, and Belonging in South Africa, 1800–1996

S. Mkhize
{"title":"To Swim with Crocodiles: Land, Violence, and Belonging in South Africa, 1800–1996","authors":"S. Mkhize","doi":"10.1080/02590123.2019.1684635","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In the mid-1980s, I spent a number of years documenting political events unfolding in both the Natal province and the ‘homeland’ of KwaZulu (as the patchwork region of apartheidconstituted territories was then called). The events in question were related to the formation and ongoing activities of a popular movement mobilised around ideas of Zulu cultural tradition, an identity politics represented by its leadership in the terms of ‘nation’; that is, arguing for the primacy of an ethnic national form of subjecthood and belonging. Nation and self-determination were, after all, discourses with legitimacy: struggles over who could sit at the gates guarding, or presiding over, a given ‘peoplehood’ were influencing political confrontations in many other parts of the world. Inmy research, Iwas concerned about a leader’s own ‘appetite for power’, his co-leaders and close followers, and their collective brokering of a politics centred on ethnic ‘Zuluness’ over and apart from a broader ‘South African’ vision of national unification. Yet, I had confidence that people mobilised by Inkathawere not pawns of leadership, nor of a third force (although I did take seriously the power of Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi’s authority as well as that of armed state intervention). I acknowledged the reality of large numbers of local people seeing themselves, and their own concerns and future, mirrored in the call to local, cultural solidarity, and in the proposals for federalism, aligned to industrial zoning, jobs, the disciplining of youth and the organisationally linked educational curriculum that Buthelezi promoted. That many also did not accept Inkatha’s conception of belonging was also increasingly clear. The stakes proved extremely high. In the violence of the later 1980s and early 1990s, about 18,000 people lost their lives and many more lost family members, their security, homes and property. ‘Ordinary people’ were overwhelmingly affected by this civil war, even as the leadership resolved their differences or shifted in their alliances. The Zulu king, Goodwill Zwelithini, long a stalwart and unifying symbol of Inkatha, switched his allegiance with ANC","PeriodicalId":88545,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Natal and Zulu history","volume":"33 1","pages":"104 - 115"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/02590123.2019.1684635","citationCount":"4","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of Natal and Zulu history","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02590123.2019.1684635","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 4

Abstract

In the mid-1980s, I spent a number of years documenting political events unfolding in both the Natal province and the ‘homeland’ of KwaZulu (as the patchwork region of apartheidconstituted territories was then called). The events in question were related to the formation and ongoing activities of a popular movement mobilised around ideas of Zulu cultural tradition, an identity politics represented by its leadership in the terms of ‘nation’; that is, arguing for the primacy of an ethnic national form of subjecthood and belonging. Nation and self-determination were, after all, discourses with legitimacy: struggles over who could sit at the gates guarding, or presiding over, a given ‘peoplehood’ were influencing political confrontations in many other parts of the world. Inmy research, Iwas concerned about a leader’s own ‘appetite for power’, his co-leaders and close followers, and their collective brokering of a politics centred on ethnic ‘Zuluness’ over and apart from a broader ‘South African’ vision of national unification. Yet, I had confidence that people mobilised by Inkathawere not pawns of leadership, nor of a third force (although I did take seriously the power of Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi’s authority as well as that of armed state intervention). I acknowledged the reality of large numbers of local people seeing themselves, and their own concerns and future, mirrored in the call to local, cultural solidarity, and in the proposals for federalism, aligned to industrial zoning, jobs, the disciplining of youth and the organisationally linked educational curriculum that Buthelezi promoted. That many also did not accept Inkatha’s conception of belonging was also increasingly clear. The stakes proved extremely high. In the violence of the later 1980s and early 1990s, about 18,000 people lost their lives and many more lost family members, their security, homes and property. ‘Ordinary people’ were overwhelmingly affected by this civil war, even as the leadership resolved their differences or shifted in their alliances. The Zulu king, Goodwill Zwelithini, long a stalwart and unifying symbol of Inkatha, switched his allegiance with ANC
与鳄鱼一起游泳:南非的土地、暴力和归属感,1800-1996
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术官方微信