“Othering” Nationalism: The Bookends of the Industrial Age

IF 0.3 Q4 POLITICAL SCIENCE
Populism Pub Date : 2018-09-14 DOI:10.1163/25888072-01011004
L. Rosenthal
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

More than any time in over 50 years, Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign provoked a serious discussion of the threat of fascism at the level of presidential politics. During the campaign, it was above all Trump’s scapegoating of immigrants that gave rise to the conversation about fascism—first tying Mexicans to crime, drugs and rape, and then doubling down on Muslims. Since the inauguration, observers’ fears of fascism have expanded to include the Trump administration’s wholesale subversion of democratic norms and its affinity with the illiberal, or authoritarian, international zeitgeist. However, the more accurate historical analogy to the current moment is not the rise of fascism in the wake of World War I. but to what Poulantzas, Organski and Bottomore outlined as fascistogenic conditions. It behooves us to consider what transpired in the transition from the early twentieth century blossoming of “othering” nationalism to the rise of fascism.
“另类”民族主义:工业时代的书尾
唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump) 2016年的总统竞选比50多年来的任何时候都更频繁地在总统政治层面引发了关于法西斯主义威胁的严肃讨论。在竞选期间,最重要的是特朗普把移民作为替罪羊,引发了关于法西斯主义的讨论——先是把墨西哥人与犯罪、毒品和强奸联系起来,然后又把矛头指向穆斯林。自特朗普就职以来,观察人士对法西斯主义的担忧已经扩大到包括特朗普政府对民主规范的大规模颠覆,以及它与非自由主义或威权主义的国际时代精神的密切联系。然而,与当前时刻相比,更准确的历史类比不是第一次世界大战后法西斯主义的兴起,而是普兰查斯、奥根斯基和波顿托雷所概述的法西斯条件。我们有必要思考一下,从20世纪初“他者”民族主义的蓬勃发展到法西斯主义的兴起,这一过渡过程中发生了什么。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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CiteScore
1.50
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