The return of recession, debt and structural adjustment

IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES
P. Lawrence
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

As our editorial in Issue 173 argued, we are ‘witnessing the intensification of neoliberalism and an accompanying resurgence of its associated power and institutions, maybe above all the IMF in Africa and elsewhere’. A world recession induced by pandemic and war, a consequent boom in energy prices and a cost-of-living crisis with rising inflation, especially of food prices, is threatening to reverse the progress that many African economies made during the ‘commodity super-cycle’ of the 2000s and the first part of the 2010s. Indeed, there are strong echoes of the recession of the late 1970s and early 1980s, itself induced by a twelvefold increase in the price of oil and in Africa, by famine and war. In both cases, these appearances of crisis disguise the fundamental contradiction of capitalism – the relentless pressure to increase profits facing the limits of realisation as consumption is squeezed and the state is restricted in its powers of intervention, even in limiting the impact of the cost-of-living crisis on its already impoverished population. While much attention has been focused on the oligarchs of Russia and Ukraine, these plutocrats, as they should be called, exist all over the world. Their increasing influence is evident everywhere. They acquire their wealth by hoarding the economic rent they receive from highly valued products and paying as low wages as they can get away with to largely nonunionised labour. They then secure that wealth and economic power from any government intervention, first by capturing political parties – and not only of the right, but also the self-styled left – and then playing a crucial role in funding their election campaigns. Then, after those parties win elections, the government is captured and liberal democracies or countries moving towards such democracy morph into shades of oligarchy or even autocracy, as we observe most obviously in countries such as India, Hungary and Turkey, and in Africa, Uganda. Once again, the chief beneficiary of this war-induced recession is US imperialism and its dominant finance–security complex (if not oligarchy) based on oil, gas and arms. The US been able to benefit not only as an oil producer from the increase in the oil price but also from the increased demand for its liquid petroleum gas (LPG), as Europe reduces its demand for Russian gas following that country’s further invasion of Ukraine. The potential axis of Brussels–Moscow–Beijing, which would have been a serious threat to US global interests, has been averted. The US has been able to reassert its hegemony over Europe through its mobilisation of economic and military support for Ukraine and has also underlined its hegemony in the Far East with its clear assertion of its support for Taiwan’s independence, reaffirming its strategy of, and belief in, a unipolar world. For the countries of Africa, the last decade has seen a large increase in sovereign debt in the wake of the extremely low interest rates that followed the financial crisis of the late 2000s. The encouragement of African economies’ entry into global capital markets, mainly through issuing Eurobonds, was regarded as something to be celebrated as part of the ‘Africa Rising’ narrative. Not that capital markets treated African economies in the same way as
衰退、债务和结构调整的回归
正如我们在第173期的社论中所说,我们正在“目睹新自由主义的加剧,以及随之而来的与之相关的权力和机构的复苏,也许首先是国际货币基金组织在非洲和其他地方的复苏”。由流行病和战争引起的世界经济衰退、随之而来的能源价格暴涨以及通货膨胀(特别是粮食价格)不断上升的生活成本危机,有可能使许多非洲经济体在2000年代的"商品超级周期"和2010年代初期取得的进展发生逆转。事实上,20世纪70年代末和80年代初的经济衰退有强烈的回声,那次衰退本身是由石油价格上涨了12倍引起的,而在非洲则是由饥荒和战争引起的。在这两种情况下,这些危机的表象掩盖了资本主义的根本矛盾——增加利润的无情压力面临着实现的极限,因为消费受到挤压,国家的干预权力受到限制,甚至在限制生活成本危机对已经贫困的人口的影响方面也受到限制。虽然很多注意力都集中在俄罗斯和乌克兰的寡头身上,但这些应该被称为“财阀”的人遍布世界各地。他们日益增长的影响力随处可见。他们通过囤积从高价值产品中获得的经济租金来获得财富,并向基本上没有工会组织的劳动力支付尽可能低的工资。然后,他们从任何政府干预中获得财富和经济实力,首先是通过夺取政党——不仅是右翼政党,还有自封的左翼政党——然后在为其竞选活动提供资金方面发挥关键作用。然后,在这些政党赢得选举后,政府被夺取,自由民主国家或走向这种民主的国家变成了寡头政治甚至专制的阴影,正如我们在印度、匈牙利和土耳其以及非洲乌干达等国家最明显地观察到的那样。再一次,这场由战争引起的衰退的主要受益者是美帝国主义及其以石油、天然气和武器为基础的主导金融安全联合体(如果不是寡头政治的话)。由于俄罗斯进一步入侵乌克兰,欧洲减少了对俄罗斯天然气的需求,美国不仅能从油价上涨中受益,还能从液化石油气(LPG)需求的增加中受益。布鲁塞尔-莫斯科-北京的潜在轴心——这本来会对美国的全球利益构成严重威胁——已被避免。对于非洲国家来说,在本世纪头十年末金融危机后的极低利率之后,过去十年主权债务大幅增加。鼓励非洲经济体进入全球资本市场,主要是通过发行欧洲债券,被视为值得庆祝的“非洲崛起”叙事的一部分。这并不是说资本市场对待非洲经济的方式与美国相同
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来源期刊
CiteScore
3.00
自引率
7.70%
发文量
29
期刊介绍: The Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE) is a refereed journal committed to encouraging high quality research and fostering excellence in the understanding of African political economy. Published quarterly by Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group for the ROAPE international collective it has since 1974 provided radical analysis of trends and issues in Africa. It has paid particular attention to the political economy of inequality, exploitation and oppression, whether driven by global forces or local ones (such as class, race, community and gender), and to materialist interpretations of change in Africa. It has sustained a critical analysis of the nature of power and the state in Africa.
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