Who Secures Women’s Capabilities in Martha Nussbaum’s Quest for Social Justice

Amrita Basu
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

Among the many issues that feminists have debated, three stand out for their urgency and significance: the relationship of theory to practice, universalism to particularism, and the transnational to the local and national. Feminism as theory continues to have a complicated and vexed relationship to women's activism. Even women who engage in struggles that observers might term feminist do not necessarily share feminist identities or participate in women's movements. Similarly, feminists continue to be troubled by universalism. Although certain forms of universalism are integral to most feminisms, Western feminist universalism has been presumptuous in condemning non-Western practices with scant understanding of the cultural and historical contexts which give them meaning. Feminist movements in the global South have sometimes been undermined by Western funded projects which have narrowed the agendas and constituencies of women's movements and by hegemonic Western feminists' appropriation of local discourses. As I elaborate below, I believe that debates about global feminisms have influenced Nussbaum's work and its reception. I begin by describing the key tenets of the human capabilities approach and show how it represents an advance over human rights. I then place capabilities in the context of women's movements transnationally. I assess the different ways in which national states and transnational organizations impede and support the recognition of capabilities. I argue that social movements have a critical role to play in determining and realizing capabilities. Capabilities represent a clear and deliberate advance over human rights in addressing relations between universalism and particularism, theory and practice, and transnationalism and nationalism. (1) Human rights advocates primarily focus on civil and political rights and have traditionally neglected rights within the private domain of the family. By contrast, Nussbaum rejects the view that civil, political, economic, and social rights should be attained sequentially and argues that capabilities are interdependent: the recognition of one of them requires the recognition of others. In Frontiers of Justice she states, [C]apabilities cover the terrain occupied by both the so-called first-generation rights (political and civil liberties) and the socalled second generation rights (economic and social rights). And they play a similar role, providing an account of extremely important fundamental entitlements that can be used as a basis both for constitutional thought within a nation and for thinking about universal justice. (2) Nussbaum identifies ten basic capabilities which, if realized, would enable people to achieve human dignity. They include literacy, liberty of conscience, political participation, freedom from physical violence, engaging in economic transactions, and developing the senses and practical reason. (3) She argues that justice demands that ali citizens should achieve the thresholds that the capabilities approach specifies. Human rights advocates have tended to ignore the role of the state in addressing socio-economic inequalities. By contrast, Nussbaum identifies a key role for the nation-state in realizing capabilities and recognizes the futility of rights and of equality of opportunity when people lack the resources to make meaningful choices. She develops an outcome-oriented approach which supports substantial freedoms. She argues that the radical potential of liberalism lies in forging links between individual freedom and state responsibility. In contrast to traditional human rights perspectives, feminism influences Nussbaum's conception of key capabilities. "Senses, Imagination, and Thought," encompass" Being able to use the senses; being able to imagine, to think and to reason... [and]to use the imagination and thought in connection with experiencing and producing expressive works and events of one's own choice, (religious, literary, musical, etc). …
在玛莎·努斯鲍姆对社会正义的追求中,谁确保了女性的能力
在女权主义者争论的众多问题中,有三个问题因其紧迫性和重要性而突出:理论与实践的关系、普遍主义与特殊主义的关系以及跨国与地方和国家的关系。女权主义作为一种理论,仍然与女性的激进主义有着复杂而棘手的关系。即使是从事观察者可能称之为女权主义者的斗争的女性,也不一定拥有女权主义者身份或参与妇女运动。同样,女权主义者继续受到普遍主义的困扰。尽管某些形式的普遍主义是大多数女权主义者不可或缺的一部分,但西方女权主义普遍主义在谴责非西方实践时过于武断,对赋予它们意义的文化和历史背景缺乏了解。全球南方的女权主义运动有时会受到西方资助的项目的破坏,这些项目缩小了妇女运动的议程和选区,以及霸权的西方女权主义者对地方话语的挪用。正如我在下面详细阐述的那样,我相信关于全球女权主义的辩论影响了努斯鲍姆的作品及其接受度。我首先描述了人的能力方法的关键原则,并展示了它如何代表对人权的进步。然后,我把能力放在跨国妇女运动的背景下。我评估了国家和跨国组织阻碍和支持承认能力的不同方式。我认为,社会运动在决定和实现能力方面发挥着关键作用。在处理普遍主义和特殊主义、理论和实践以及跨民族主义和民族主义之间的关系方面,能力代表着对人权的明确和深思熟虑的进步。(1) 人权倡导者主要关注公民权利和政治权利,传统上忽视了家庭私人领域内的权利。相比之下,努斯鲍姆拒绝接受公民、政治、经济和社会权利应该依次获得的观点,并认为能力是相互依存的:承认其中一项需要承认其他权利。她指出,在《正义的前线》中,能力涵盖了所谓的第一代权利(政治和公民自由)和所谓的第二代权利(经济和社会权利)所占据的领域。它们也发挥着类似的作用,提供了一个极其重要的基本权利的说明,可以作为一个国家内部宪法思想和普遍正义思想的基础。(2) 努斯鲍姆确定了十项基本能力,如果这些能力得以实现,将使人们能够实现人类尊严。它们包括识字、良心自由、政治参与、免受身体暴力、从事经济交易以及发展感官和实践理性。(3) 她认为,正义要求阿里公民达到能力方法规定的门槛。人权倡导者往往忽视国家在解决社会经济不平等问题上的作用。相比之下,努斯鲍姆认为民族国家在实现能力方面发挥着关键作用,并认识到当人们缺乏做出有意义选择的资源时,权利和机会平等是徒劳的。她发展了一种注重结果的方法,支持实质性的自由。她认为,自由主义的根本潜力在于在个人自由和国家责任之间建立联系。与传统的人权观不同,女权主义影响了努斯鲍姆对关键能力的概念。“感官、想象和思想”包括“能够使用感官;能够想象、思考和推理……[和]在体验和制作自己选择的富有表现力的作品和事件(宗教、文学、音乐等)时使用想象力和思想……”…
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