The Mobility of the Haitian Revolution

IF 0.5 Q4 ETHNIC STUDIES
P. Taylor
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

An abolitionist pamphlet published in Britain in 1816 in the wake of Barbados’ Easter Rebellion attacked the follies of the Barbadian plantocracy, referring to “a ridiculous account which appeared in the newspapers, that a Haytian fleet had been seen steering towards Barbadoes at the time the insurrection broke out.” While the Barbadian plantocracy feared the idea of humanity that a newly independent Haiti represented, both planters and abolitionists discounted rebel agency by blaming each other for the rebellion. In contrast, Barbadian rebels, writes Hilary Beckles, saw themselves as the “final catalyst” inaugurating the new social order and embraced the freedom that ushered in the new nation of Haiti in 1804. Apprehended and interrogated following the rebellion, Cuffee Ned stated that Mingo was the name by which he knew the island of “Saint Domingo” (Saint-Domingue), the one island in the West Indies where enslaved Africans were free because, in his words, “they had fought for it and got it.” There are few references to the cultural and religious activities of the rebels in the Barbados House of Assembly’s Report on the rebellion from which Cuffee Ned’s statement is taken. However, two decades after the rebellion pseudonymous English author Theodore Easel wrote a short story about the rebellion depicting a rebel leader named Mingo as an Obeahman. In “The ObiahMan, or a Tale of St. Phillip’s,” one of various scattered portraits in the book Desultory Sketches and Tales of Barbados, Easel places Mingo at the center of the rebellion, portraying him as a cunning, yet deluded spiritual leader. Interestingly, Mingo was also the name of one of the leaders of the rebellion, as identified in the so-called confession of Robert, of Simmons Plantation, in the Assembly’s Report. Although Easel does not mention Haiti or Saint-Domingue directly, by identifying Obeah with the demonic he locates the term in a discursive relationship with Vodou (or so called “voodoo”), that supposed force of evil invented by the colonial imaginary and constantly identified by the West with the “black peril” that was Haiti. As Edward Brathwaite has argued, however, the Obeahman was “doctor, philosopher, and priest.” Tracing the etymology and usage of the term “Obeah” back to African linguistic sources, Handler and Bilby demonstrate that the term is best understood in the context of slave society in a positive rather than a negative sense:
海地革命的流动性
1816年巴巴多斯复活节起义后,英国出版了一本废奴主义小册子,抨击巴巴多斯植物统治的愚蠢行为,提到“报纸上出现的一个荒谬的说法,即起义爆发时,有人看到一支海伊舰队驶向巴巴多斯。“虽然巴巴多斯的种植园主政权害怕新独立的海地所代表的人性观念,但种植园主和废奴主义者都对叛乱机构不屑一顾,相互指责对方应为叛乱负责。相比之下,希拉里·贝克尔斯(Hilary Beckles)写道,巴巴多斯叛军将自己视为开启新社会秩序的“最后催化剂”,并拥抱1804年海地新国家的自由。Cuffee Ned在叛乱后受到逮捕和审问,他说明戈是他所知道的“圣多明各”岛的名字,这是西印度群岛被奴役的非洲人获得自由的一个岛屿,用他的话说,“他们为之而战,并得到了它。”在巴巴多斯议会关于叛乱的报告中,几乎没有提到反叛分子的文化和宗教活动,库菲·内德的声明就是从这份报告中摘录的。然而,在叛乱20年后,化名的英国作家西奥多·伊塞尔写了一篇关于叛乱的短篇小说,将一位名叫明戈的叛军领袖描绘成一名奥拜曼人。在《巴巴多斯的脱硫素描和故事》一书中各种零散的肖像之一《奥比亚人》(The ObiahMan,or a Tale of St.Phillip’s)中,伊塞尔将明戈置于叛乱的中心,将他描绘成一个狡猾但被欺骗的精神领袖。有趣的是,明戈也是叛乱领导人之一的名字,正如议会报告中西蒙斯种植园的罗伯特所谓的供词所述。尽管Easel没有直接提到海地或圣多明各,但通过将Obeah与魔鬼联系起来,他将这个词定位为与Vodou(或所谓的“voodoo”)的话语关系,Vodou是殖民想象中发明的所谓邪恶力量,西方不断将其与海地的“黑危险”联系起来。然而,正如Edward Brathwaite所说,Obeahman是“医生、哲学家和牧师”。Handler和Bilby将“Obeah”一词的词源和用法追溯到非洲语言来源,证明了这个词最好在奴隶社会的背景下从积极而非消极的意义来理解:
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来源期刊
BLACK SCHOLAR
BLACK SCHOLAR ETHNIC STUDIES-
CiteScore
0.60
自引率
0.00%
发文量
37
期刊介绍: Founded in 1969 and hailed by The New York Times as "a journal in which the writings of many of today"s finest black thinkers may be viewed," THE BLACK SCHOLAR has firmly established itself as the leading journal of black cultural and political thought in the United States. In its pages African American studies intellectuals, community activists, and national and international political leaders come to grips with basic issues confronting black America and Africa.
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