Is international agricultural research a global public good? The case of rice biofortification.

Sally Brooks
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引用次数: 27

Abstract

The status of international agricultural research as a global public good (GPG) has been widely accepted since the Green Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s. While the term was not used at the time of its creation, the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR) system that evolved at that time has been described as a 'prime example of the promise, performance and perils of an international approach to providing GPGs'. Contemporary literature on international agricultural research as a GPG tends to support this view and focuses on how to operationalize the concept. This paper adopts a different starting point and questions this conceptualization of the CGIAR and its outputs. It questions the appropriateness of such a 'neutral' concept to a system born of the imperatives of Cold War geopolitics, and shaped by a history of attempts to secure its relevance in a changing world. This paper draws on a multi-sited, ethnographic study of a research effort highlighted by the CGIAR as an exemplar of GPG-oriented research. Behind the ubiquitous language of GPGs, 'partnership' and 'consensus', however, new forms of exclusion and restriction are emerging within everyday practice, reproducing North-South inequalities and undermining the ability of these programmes to respond to the needs of projected beneficiaries.

国际农业研究是一项全球公益事业吗?以大米生物强化为例。
自20世纪60年代和70年代的绿色革命以来,国际农业研究作为全球公共产品(GPG)的地位已被广泛接受。国际农业研究协商小组(CGIAR)系统在创立时并没有使用这一术语,但当时发展起来的该系统被描述为“国际提供ggp方法的承诺、绩效和风险的最佳范例”。关于国际农业研究作为GPG的当代文献倾向于支持这一观点,并侧重于如何实施这一概念。本文采用了一个不同的起点,并对CGIAR及其产出的这种概念化提出了质疑。它质疑这种“中立”概念是否适合于一个诞生于冷战地缘政治要求的体系,并在不断变化的世界中努力确保其相关性的历史中形成。本文借鉴了CGIAR强调的一项多地点民族志研究,作为全球地理定位研究的一个范例。然而,在普遍使用的“伙伴关系”和“共识”语言背后,日常实践中出现了新的排斥和限制形式,再现了南北不平等,削弱了这些方案满足预期受益者需求的能力。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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