World Publishing Company

G. Gabel
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Abstract

months, in 1919, was Minister of Finance of Austria.From 1909 to 1920 Schumpeter held academic positions, first ¾t Cernauti and then at Graz.Both were small universities in a provincial, narrow environment which was distasteful to him and from which he fled whenever his teaching obligations permitted.Even in 1925 when he was appointed to a professorship at Bonn, he was so heavily committed to writing articles on current economic topics for various magazines, that again he could not enjoy the calmness and serenity normally associated with academic life.Only when he came to Harvard in 1932 did he devote his full time to teaching and research.He consciously abstained from any attempt to exert a direct influence on practical affairs and, in 1943, turned to writing his last posthumously published book on the History of Economic Analysis, because, as he said in a letter, "it is simply the subject among all those at hand, that is farthest removed from current affairs."In spite of the varied activities of his younger years, Schumpeter had produced three books by the time he was thirty-one.The first and third dealt with problems of economic theory and the history of economic ideas.They were solid and imaginative contributions to the science of economics, but they were not works which make history.His second book, The Theory of Economic Development, which appeared in 1912, established his reputation.This work contains his basic views on the dynamics of modern capitalism, and almost all his later scientific work-most of which was written more than two decades after the fertile outpouring of his youthful vision-constitutes an elaboration and refinement of the fundamental theories expostulated by a youthful man in his twenties.The two essays reprinted in this volume belong to this group of writings.Imperialism had been subjected to a scientific study first by John A. Hobson, Rudolf Hilferding and Rosa Luxemburg.They all considered it an aspect of mature capitalism.What was more natural than that Schumpeter should attempt to throw further light on it and determine its relationship to the dynamics of capitalism as Vlll INTRODUCTION which the peak positions are held by an aristocracy, often with strong military leanings, to one in which the center of the stage is taken by a bourgeoisie led by a group of creative entrepreneurs.But the class structures and leadership patterns in an aristocratic and a bourgeois society differ because under each of the two systems different "socially necessary functions" need to be performed.As Schumpeter points out, this difference may be stated by saying that "the feudal master class was once-and the bourgeoisie was never -the supreme pinnacle of a uniformly constructed social pyramid.The feudal nobility was once-and the bourgeoisie was never-not only the sole possessor of physical power; it was physical power incarnate. . . .The nobility conquered the material complement to its position, while the bourgeoisie created this complement for itself."These two essays form, in a very real sense, the capstone to Schumpeter's system.They were written in the interval between his fertile youth and the re-evaluation of his doctrines in his mature age.But although Schumpeter wrote (in addition to many articles) three full-sized books during his Harvard period, he never again discussed the problems of imperialism and social classes in his later work.Hence, we may regard these two essays as the final word he had to say on these subjects.His concern with the nature of capitalist dynamics demanded that he contrast it with socio-economic movements in pre-capitalist periods.Who took on leadership roles in society in the absence of the creative entrepreneurs?What were the conditions which brought forth these leaders, and why were they able to perform the "socially necessary functions" of their societies?In the essays on imperialism and on social classes the answers to these questions are provided.The process of capitalist development is not only set against a different process of feudalist social dynamics, but at the same time placed in its historical perspective.Schumpeter's emphasis of the role of elite groups appears to place him among several other writers of the first two decades of this century who also developed "elitist" theo-
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1919年,他担任奥地利财政部长。从1909年到1920年,熊彼特担任学术职务,先是在切尔瑙蒂,然后在格拉茨。这两所大学都是小大学,地方狭窄,他不喜欢这种环境,只要他的教学义务允许,他就会逃离。即使在1925年,当他被任命为波恩大学的教授时,他仍然忙于为各种杂志撰写有关当前经济主题的文章,因此他再一次无法享受到通常与学术生活相关的平静和宁静。直到1932年来到哈佛,他才全身心地投入到教学和研究中。他有意识地避免任何对实际事务施加直接影响的尝试,并在1943年,转向撰写他死后出版的最后一本关于经济分析历史的书,因为,正如他在一封信中所说,“这只是所有手头的主题中,离时事最远的主题。”尽管熊彼特年轻时从事过各种各样的活动,但他在31岁时已经出版了三本书。第一部分和第三部分涉及经济理论和经济思想史的问题。它们是对经济学坚实而富有想象力的贡献,但它们不是创造历史的著作。1912年出版的第二本书《经济发展理论》奠定了他的声誉。这部著作包含了他对现代资本主义动力学的基本观点,而他后来的几乎所有科学著作——其中大部分是在他青春畅想的20多年后写的——构成了一个20多岁的年轻人所主张的基本理论的阐述和完善。本卷转载的两篇文章属于这组文章。帝国主义首先受到约翰·a·霍布森、鲁道夫·希法亭和罗莎·卢森堡的科学研究。他们都认为这是成熟资本主义的一个方面。比这更自然的是,熊彼特应该试图进一步阐明它并确定它与资本主义动态的关系,就像第11篇引言一样,顶峰位置由贵族占据,通常具有强烈的军事倾向,而舞台的中心是由一群富有创造力的企业家领导的资产阶级。但是,贵族社会和资产阶级社会的阶级结构和领导模式是不同的,因为在这两种制度下,需要履行不同的“社会必要职能”。正如熊彼特所指出的那样,这种差异可以这样表述:“封建主人阶级曾经是——而资产阶级从来都不是——统一构建的社会金字塔的最高顶点。”封建贵族曾经(资产阶级从来没有)不仅是唯一拥有物质权力的人;这是物质力量的化身. . . .贵族征服了对自己地位的物质补充,而资产阶级则为自己创造了这种补充。这两篇文章构成了熊彼特理论体系真正意义上的顶点。它们是在他多产的青年时期和他成熟时重新评价他的学说之间的间隔写的。但是,尽管熊彼特在哈佛期间写了三本大部头的书(除了许多文章之外),他在后来的作品中再也没有讨论过帝国主义和社会阶级的问题。因此,我们可以把这两篇文章看作是他在这些问题上的最后一句话。他对资本主义动态本质的关注要求他将其与前资本主义时期的社会经济运动进行对比。在缺乏创造性企业家的情况下,谁承担了社会的领导角色?产生这些领导人的条件是什么?为什么他们能够履行他们社会的“社会必要功能”?在关于帝国主义和社会阶级的文章中,这些问题得到了答案。资本主义的发展过程不仅与封建社会动态的不同过程相对立,同时也置于其历史视角中。熊彼特对精英群体作用的强调,似乎使他跻身于本世纪头二十年其他几位同样发展了“精英主义”思维的作家之列
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