Legal and ethical standards in corporate insolvency. By Elizabeth Streten ( 1st edition) (2024, Routledge, Abingdon/New York), 240pp, £135, ISBN 978-1-032-46246-2

IF 0.3 3区 社会学 Q4 BUSINESS, FINANCE
Jennifer LL Gant
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Streten therefore observes that the absence of data in this area is a problem that ‘hinders the ability to properly determine appropriate and realistic standards for corporate insolvency practitioners’,1 justifying the research presented in the book.</p><p>Her introduction goes on to detail the nature, history and purpose of insolvency law, relying on its Australian roots in the United Kingdom and its historical development from ancient times through its introduction in England in the sixteenth century and its eventual evolution throughout the Commonwealth countries. Streten also provides a nuanced discussion of the purposes of insolvency law and the variety of sometimes competing objectives that different theorists emphasise. However, at the end of the day, whether the focus is creditor wealth maximisation or the communitarian socio-economic issues that are raised by financial distress, the role of insolvency practitioners remains the same.</p><p>Australia becomes the focus of an empirical examination in Chapter 4 under a phenomenological enquiry facilitating the systematic gathering of experiential material and thematising meanings embedded in that material.6 Streten notes that this methodological approach was well suited to analysing the shared experience of Australian corporate insolvency practitioners and their interaction with their regulation and regulators (ARITA).7 Qualitative interviews were undertaken from July to October 2017, which was a significant period for the Australian insolvency profession during which many disruptions had to be handled. Reforms were introduced that practitioners had to contend with in addition to their complex duties, independence obligations, and difficulties in the determination of remuneration claims. Deprofessionalisation along with the advance of digitalisation and globalisation presented further challenges at this time. The phenomenological research undertaken demonstrated insights in the data into the management of corporate insolvency practice in Australia during this important period of reform and transformation.8</p><p>Practitioner perspective within Australian corporate insolvency are showcased in Chapter 5 with details of the empirical phenomenological findings from the interviews undertaken and described in Chapter 4. Streten presents well formulated summaries for each key theme with examples drawn from the interviews undertaken. The broad thematic summaries will be provided here, but the detail from which these summaries are derived should most definitely be read in the book itself to get a full picture of the in-depth analysis that the author undertook to identify these themes and determine the key perspectives on them.</p><p>Practitioners also acknowledged that there are many pressures due to reform, disruption, and competition for work and although they adamantly declared that they would never engaged in unethical practices, there was willingness on occasion to bend or break the rules. This has been blamed on the significant changes to the profession and a general downturn in insolvency work.11</p><p>Practitioners were also asked to provide their perspectives on corporate insolvency stakeholders. In relation to the challenges that they encounter, of great significance are issues in convincing stakeholders of the value of corporate insolvency practitioners. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

The last several decades have seen relatively rapid and innovative changes to the way that companies finance themselves, making the web of debt and credit ever more complicated and technical to unwind when a financial crisis occurs. This has required the modernisation of both global insolvency frameworks and the variety of skills and regulatory requirements for the insolvency profession. The insolvency profession has always been ahead of the game in developing processes to efficiently and effectively deal with financial distress, well in advance of legislative reform. Legislators and policy makers may have a lot to learn from the solutions devised by insolvency practitioners to deal with the modern problems presented by corporate financial distress.

The crises of the recent past, including the economic impact of the COVID19 pandemic, invited a refocusing on how the insolvency profession would deal with the rise of insolvency cases once the safety nets provided during the pandemic were pulled away. Elizabeth Streten of Queensland's University of Technology in Australia explores the modernisation of the insolvency profession and the regulation of its practitioners with a consideration of the challenges faced by the profession in achieving the best outcomes resolving financial distress. Insolvency practitioners have had to deal with a raft of reforms in response to the pandemic and the economic crises it precipitated globally, which called for an examination of the role and practice of insolvency practitioners with the shifts in insolvency practice in mind.

Legal and Ethical Standards in Corporate Insolvency aims to address the dearth of data and understanding of the corporate insolvency profession by examining the role and practice of corporate insolvency practitioner and the challenges that they encounter. This is done through deft comparisons through literature review and empirical studies to provide perspectives on this topic among a number of common law countries. It also provides detailed lessons from corporate insolvency practitioners' perspective and experience through an in-depth empirical analysis of the Australian profession.

Streten first provides a nuanced discussion of the confidence in corporate insolvency practitioners generally and over time, noting that the sophistication of modern recovery processes have led to extensive legal and ethical regulation of the industry to ensure competency and integrity. These requirements have aimed to helped to build confidence in the profession. However, recognising the growing complexity of businesses and corporate financial structures, along with the intertwined nature of the global financial markets, it is not surprising that there is a lack of understanding as to the realities of insolvency practitioner roles and legal obligations. Streten therefore observes that the absence of data in this area is a problem that ‘hinders the ability to properly determine appropriate and realistic standards for corporate insolvency practitioners’,1 justifying the research presented in the book.

Her introduction goes on to detail the nature, history and purpose of insolvency law, relying on its Australian roots in the United Kingdom and its historical development from ancient times through its introduction in England in the sixteenth century and its eventual evolution throughout the Commonwealth countries. Streten also provides a nuanced discussion of the purposes of insolvency law and the variety of sometimes competing objectives that different theorists emphasise. However, at the end of the day, whether the focus is creditor wealth maximisation or the communitarian socio-economic issues that are raised by financial distress, the role of insolvency practitioners remains the same.

Australia becomes the focus of an empirical examination in Chapter 4 under a phenomenological enquiry facilitating the systematic gathering of experiential material and thematising meanings embedded in that material.6 Streten notes that this methodological approach was well suited to analysing the shared experience of Australian corporate insolvency practitioners and their interaction with their regulation and regulators (ARITA).7 Qualitative interviews were undertaken from July to October 2017, which was a significant period for the Australian insolvency profession during which many disruptions had to be handled. Reforms were introduced that practitioners had to contend with in addition to their complex duties, independence obligations, and difficulties in the determination of remuneration claims. Deprofessionalisation along with the advance of digitalisation and globalisation presented further challenges at this time. The phenomenological research undertaken demonstrated insights in the data into the management of corporate insolvency practice in Australia during this important period of reform and transformation.8

Practitioner perspective within Australian corporate insolvency are showcased in Chapter 5 with details of the empirical phenomenological findings from the interviews undertaken and described in Chapter 4. Streten presents well formulated summaries for each key theme with examples drawn from the interviews undertaken. The broad thematic summaries will be provided here, but the detail from which these summaries are derived should most definitely be read in the book itself to get a full picture of the in-depth analysis that the author undertook to identify these themes and determine the key perspectives on them.

Practitioners also acknowledged that there are many pressures due to reform, disruption, and competition for work and although they adamantly declared that they would never engaged in unethical practices, there was willingness on occasion to bend or break the rules. This has been blamed on the significant changes to the profession and a general downturn in insolvency work.11

Practitioners were also asked to provide their perspectives on corporate insolvency stakeholders. In relation to the challenges that they encounter, of great significance are issues in convincing stakeholders of the value of corporate insolvency practitioners. Although there are extensive domestic legal and ethical regulations that insolvency practitioners must follow, there have been repeated concerns in relation to insufficient stakeholder confidence. There is a lack of understanding of the point of insolvency processes and the unpleasantness associated with it does not help where there are likely to be significant losses. This has led to a lack of trust and confidence in the profession that is difficult to change.12

In relation to managing poor public perception, creditors, media, directors, and regulators have often been blamed for practitioners' arguably poor standing in the eyes of stakeholders and the public. However, it was also acknowledged by some respondents that they had some obligation in trying to change the image of the profession as well. Managing unhappy stakeholders is not easy, with threats and mental health challenges making communication that much more difficult. Some encountered legitimately dangerous situations where physical harm was risked.13

Perhaps one of the most significant findings was the perceived disconnect between Australian corporate insolvency practitioners and their regulators (ASIC and ARITA) with some confusion in evidence through some of the responses as well. A general discord was identified in relation to poor execution of ILRA,14 the funding model of use-pay levy introduced to address ASIC's regulatory costs,15 the lack of funding assistance from ASIC,16 illegal phoenix activities promoted by pre-insolvency advisors,17 concern with ASIC's regulatory approach,18 and on average a lack of willingness for insolvency practitioners to engage with ASIC.19 A discord with ARITA was also identified in relation to the usefulness of the Code by some respondents, although a majority acknowledged it as a useful resources in their ethical decision-making.20 Concluding, Streten notes that a community expectation gap exists and that there are a number of reasons for that. In any event, this is where some work needs to be done to ensure that the Australian profession and its regulators can work together well for the benefit of all.

Streten concludes in Chapter 6 that there is certainly some impetus for change within the Australian profession and regulatory bodies, particularly due to the significant changes that occurred in 2017. These changes destabilised the profession, introduced uncertainty in practitioners of their changing roles, and challenged their sense of belonging, validity, and stability in their profession. Although changes were introduced ostensibly to improve the reputation of the profession, this has been in direct conflict with practitioners' professional identities due to the need to but reluctance to adapt their practices. The research undertaken and showcased in the book represents ‘new opportunities for reinvention’.21 However, there have been significant challenges in the process of transformation, which Streten provides a perspective on in her final chapter.

Fundamentally, she notes that reform may now be on the table, and recommends a look at a co-regulatory model as a form of governmentally monitored self-regulation. Other reforms that would better ‘ensure that the expertise of the profession is effectively being incorporated into regulatory decisions’ is also recommended. Finally, she recommends that there should also be reconsideration of the regulation of Australian insolvency practitioners by their professional bodies, which need to provide the services and assistance while also having confidence in their members. Streten argues that a co-regulatory approach, although potentially raising some conflicts, may be an economically effective regulatory model for Australia.22

Streten provides an excellent and detailed work that focuses on relevant theoretical perspectives along with the comparative and empirical work, it concludes with a highly perceptive analysis of the future direction of corporate insolvency regulation based on extensive analysis of relevant interviews of Australian insolvency practitioners. Legal and Ethical Standards in Corporate Insolvency by Beth Streten is certainly a worthy addition to any insolvency practitioner, academic, or policy maker's library.

公司破产的法律和道德标准。伊丽莎白·斯特里顿著(第一版)(2024年,劳特利奇出版社,阿宾顿/纽约),240页,135英镑,ISBN 978-1-032-46246-2
过去几十年,企业的融资方式发生了相对迅速和创新的变化,这使得债务和信贷网络变得更加复杂,在金融危机发生时难以解除。这就要求全球破产框架的现代化,以及破产专业的各种技能和监管要求的现代化。破产行业在制定流程以高效有效地处理财务困境方面一直走在前列,远远领先于立法改革。立法者和政策制定者可以从破产从业者设计的解决方案中学到很多东西,这些解决方案可以处理企业财务困境所带来的现代问题。最近发生的危机,包括covid - 19大流行的经济影响,促使人们重新关注,一旦大流行期间提供的安全网被取消,破产行业将如何应对破产案件的增加。澳大利亚昆士兰科技大学的Elizabeth Streten探讨了破产专业的现代化及其从业人员的监管,并考虑了该专业在实现解决财务困境的最佳结果方面所面临的挑战。破产从业人员不得不应对一系列改革,以应对这一流行病及其在全球引发的经济危机,这要求在考虑到破产实践的转变的情况下,审查破产从业人员的作用和做法。《公司破产的法律和道德标准》旨在通过研究公司破产从业者的角色和实践以及他们遇到的挑战,解决数据和对公司破产专业理解的缺乏问题。这是通过文献综述和实证研究的灵巧比较来完成的,以提供一些普通法国家对这一主题的观点。它还通过对澳大利亚专业的深入实证分析,提供了公司破产从业人员的观点和经验的详细教训。Streten首先对公司破产从业人员的信心进行了细致入微的讨论,并指出现代恢复程序的复杂性导致了对该行业的广泛法律和道德监管,以确保能力和诚信。这些要求旨在帮助建立对该行业的信心。然而,认识到企业和公司财务结构日益复杂,以及全球金融市场相互交织的性质,对破产从业者角色和法律义务的现实缺乏理解并不奇怪。因此,Streten观察到,这一领域数据的缺乏是一个问题,“阻碍了为公司破产从业人员正确确定适当和现实标准的能力”,1证明了书中提出的研究是合理的。她的介绍接着详细介绍了破产法的性质、历史和目的,依靠其在英国的澳大利亚根源,以及从古代到16世纪在英格兰的引入以及在整个英联邦国家的最终演变的历史发展。Streten还对破产法的目的进行了细致入微的讨论,以及不同理论家所强调的各种有时相互竞争的目标。然而,在一天结束时,无论重点是债权人财富最大化还是由金融困境引起的社区社会经济问题,破产从业人员的作用仍然是相同的。澳大利亚成为第4章实证研究的焦点,在现象学调查下,促进了经验材料的系统收集和嵌入该材料的主题化意义Streten指出,这种方法方法非常适合于分析澳大利亚公司破产从业人员的共同经验及其与监管和监管机构的相互作用(ARITA)定性访谈于2017年7月至10月进行,这是澳大利亚破产行业的重要时期,在此期间必须处理许多中断。实行了改革,从业人员除了复杂的职责、独立义务和确定薪酬要求方面的困难之外,还必须应付这些改革。随着数字化和全球化的推进,去专业化在这个时候提出了进一步的挑战。所进行的现象学研究展示了在这个重要的改革和转型时期对澳大利亚公司破产实践管理的数据见解。 8第5章展示了澳大利亚公司破产的从业者视角,并详细介绍了第4章中所进行和描述的访谈的实证现象学发现。Streten为每个关键主题提供了精心制定的摘要,并从所进行的采访中提取了例子。广泛的主题总结将在这里提供,但从这些总结中得出的细节,绝对应该在书中阅读,以全面了解作者为确定这些主题和确定关键观点而进行的深入分析。从业者们也承认,由于改革、混乱和工作竞争,他们面临着许多压力,尽管他们坚定地宣称他们永远不会从事不道德的行为,但偶尔也会有扭曲或破坏规则的意愿。这被归咎于律师行业的重大变化和破产工作的普遍低迷。11还请从业人员提供他们对公司破产利益相关者的看法。就他们所遇到的挑战而言,具有重大意义的问题是如何使利益相关者相信公司破产从业人员的价值。尽管有破产从业人员必须遵守的广泛的国内法律和道德法规,但一再出现利益相关者信心不足的问题。对破产程序的意义缺乏理解,以及与之相关的不愉快,在可能出现重大损失的情况下没有帮助。这导致人们对这一职业缺乏信任和信心,这是难以改变的。12 .在管理不良公众认知方面,债权人、媒体、董事和监管机构经常因从业者在利益相关者和公众眼中的不良形象而受到指责。然而,一些受访者也承认,他们也有义务努力改变这一职业的形象。管理不高兴的利益相关者并不容易,威胁和心理健康挑战使沟通变得更加困难。有些人遇到了可能造成人身伤害的合法危险情况。13也许最重要的发现之一是,澳大利亚公司破产从业人员与其监管机构(ASIC和ARITA)之间存在明显的脱节,从一些回应中也可以看出一些混乱。普遍存在的分歧涉及ILRA执行不力,14为解决ASIC的监管成本而引入的使用-支付税的资助模式,15缺乏ASIC的资金援助,16破产前顾问推动的非法凤凰活动,17对ASIC监管方法的关注,18以及破产从业人员平均缺乏与ASIC合作的意愿。19一些人还发现了与ARITA有关守则有用性的分歧受访者,虽然大多数承认它是一个有用的资源,在他们的道德决策最后,Streten指出,社区期望差距确实存在,造成这种差距的原因有很多。无论如何,这是需要做一些工作的地方,以确保澳大利亚的专业人士及其监管机构能够为了所有人的利益而良好合作。Streten在第6章中总结说,澳大利亚的专业和监管机构肯定有一些变革的动力,特别是由于2017年发生的重大变化。这些变化破坏了职业的稳定,给从业者带来了角色变化的不确定性,并挑战了他们在职业中的归属感、有效性和稳定性。虽然改革的引入表面上是为了提高专业声誉,但由于从业者需要但不愿调整他们的实践,这与从业者的职业身份直接冲突。书中所进行和展示的研究代表了“重新发明的新机会”然而,在转型的过程中也存在着重大的挑战,Streten在她的最后一章提供了一个视角。从根本上说,她指出,改革现在可能已经摆在桌面上,并建议考虑一种共同监管模式,作为一种政府监督的自我监管形式。报告还建议进行其他改革,以更好地“确保该行业的专业知识有效地纳入监管决策”。最后,她建议还应重新考虑澳大利亚破产从业人员的专业机构的监管,这些专业机构需要提供服务和援助,同时也对其成员有信心。Streten认为,尽管可能会引起一些冲突,但共同监管的方法对澳大利亚来说可能是一种经济上有效的监管模式。 22Streten提供了一份出色而详尽的工作,专注于相关的理论观点以及比较和实证工作,最后基于对澳大利亚破产从业人员相关访谈的广泛分析,对公司破产监管的未来方向进行了高度敏锐的分析。Beth Streten的《公司破产的法律和道德标准》无疑是任何破产从业者、学者或政策制定者图书馆中值得一读的书。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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