Latour's swan songs: Grappling with the ecological crisis By Bruno Latour and Nikolaj Schulz. On the emergence of an ecological class: A memo. Translated by Julie Rose, London: Polity Press. 2022. pp. 92. US$12.99 (pbk). ISBN 9781509555062By Bruno Latour. How to inhabit the earth: Interviews with Nicolas Truong. Translated by Julie Rose, London: Polity Press. 2024. pp. 103. US$16.95 (pbk). ISBN 9781505559473

IF 0.5 3区 社会学 Q3 ANTHROPOLOGY
Hans A. Baer
{"title":"Latour's swan songs: Grappling with the ecological crisis By Bruno Latour and Nikolaj Schulz. On the emergence of an ecological class: A memo. Translated by Julie Rose, London: Polity Press. 2022. pp. 92. US$12.99 (pbk). ISBN 9781509555062By Bruno Latour. How to inhabit the earth: Interviews with Nicolas Truong. Translated by Julie Rose, London: Polity Press. 2024. pp. 103. US$16.95 (pbk). ISBN 9781505559473","authors":"Hans A. Baer","doi":"10.1111/taja.12508","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>Bruno Latour, a prolific philosopher, anthropologist, sociologist, and science and technology studies scholar, entered the debate on the global ecological crisis with the publication of <i>The Politics of Nature</i> (Harvard University Press, <span>2004</span>). He became a fellow at the ecomodernist Breakthrough Institute, penning a frequently cited 2011 article in its journal calling for humanity to love its technological monsters like we love our children instead of rejecting them. He called for management of the environment rather than seeking to keep it in a pristine state. In his Distinguished Lecture at the American Anthropological Association annual meeting in December 2014, he asserted that geologists had presented anthropologists with a gift by positioning the <i>anthropos</i> centre stage in the guise of the Anthropocene as the main geological force, thus superseding the Holocene. Latour went on to publish <i>Facing Gaia</i> (Polity, <span>2017</span>) and <i>Down to Earth</i> (Polity, <span>2018</span>), followed by <i>On the Emergence of an Ecological Class</i> (<span>2022</span>) (co-authored with Nikolaj Schultz), and <i>How to Inhabit the Earth</i> (<span>2024</span>), which is based on interviews that he had with Nicolas Truong. These last two books before his death in October 2022 are the subjects of my review essay.</p><p><i>On the Emergence of an Ecological Class</i> consists of 10 chapters; there is also a postface in the English edition. Latour and Schultz resist reliance on the notion of class struggle in seeking to delineate the role of a global <i>ecological class</i>, which they do not define as such. Instead, they seek to outline the tasks that the ecological class needs to undertake, noting that the ‘ecological class is still afraid of not knowing how to position itself in its relationship to the struggles of the past two centuries’ (p. 8), because it fears that it is not sufficiently left-wing. In seeking to provide guidance on which direction the ecological class should pursue, they delineate a broad and diffuse litany of recommendations. These include: (1) defining the direction of its own history (p. 10); defining itself in ‘relation to the material conditions of its existence’ (p. 11); furnishing ‘equipment to change direction’ (p. 19) in light of the grim reality that the Anthropocene and Great Acceleration that entailed the ‘rapid acceleration of systems of production destabilised Earth systems and climate systems’ (p. 13); adding to the ‘relations of production engendering practices that have always defined the exterior of human activity’ (p. 23); persuading sectors of old classes, including the working class, to ‘form alliances with it in a bid to find other ways of promoting their interests’ (p. 28); and critically examining the role of the state in supporting an ‘international order based on development and globalisation’ (p. 69).</p><p>Contrasting it with a declining union movement, Latour and Schultz maintain that the ecological class is presently experiencing a greater number of assassinations around the world for its subversive efforts in challenging global production processes. They maintain that the ecological class constitutes a broad church which includes young people who have revolted because they feel betrayed, and even Christians who ‘now sense in ecology a call that could reset their dogmas’ (p. 51), including on the part of Pope Francis. Latour and Schultz argue that such battles are ‘now all about the occupation, nature, usage and maintenance of territories and subsistence conditions’ (p. 57). They argue that the ecological class needs to renew the humanities by relying on media and many other formats to conceptualise a vision for a new and revitalised Earth. Conversely, new Earth sciences, including the biological sciences, need to be ‘part and parcel of exploring the conditions of the planet's behaviour’ (p. 59).</p><p>However, Latour and Schultz adopt an explicitly Eurocentric stance in their assertion that a united Europe—no longer so united given the UK's departure from the European Union—despite its flaws, constitutes an ‘exemplar of a truly life-size experiment in which the redistribution of the inside and outside of states prime the ecological class for its future pivotal as a class capable of dragging other classes alongside it’ (p. 73). However, Europe, along with other sectors of the Global North, continues to be a heartland of the capitalist world system which relies on scarce resources and cheap labour from the Global South and China, the largest contributor to greenhouse gas emissions. The latter serves not only as the factory of the world but the primary source of rare metals necessary for a global program of ecological modernisation.</p><p>Latour and Schultz recognise that the ecological class faces a daunting task in the face of rising authoritarianism around much of the world, including in Europe. The ecological class is reportedly serving as a harbinger of a ‘cosmological shift’ (p. 77) that is presently under way. They assert that the development of a cosmological shift needs to rely on even more fundamental research, much of which will need to occur within universities. What Latour and Schultz fail to acknowledge is that universities around the world, particularly in the Global North, are being increasingly corporatised, responding to the dictates of capital rather than critical thinking. Thus, it is essential that the ecological class helps to revolutionise universities so that they become more egalitarian, democratic, and environmentally sustainable institutions than they were in the past and presently are.</p><p>In the postface to the English edition of their Memo, Latour and Schultz, while admitting that the ‘idea of the ecological class seems remote’ (p. 85) at the present time, argue that the COVID-19 pandemic ‘demonstrated how quickly whole nations could react to a new threat’ (p. 86). Conversely, they downplay that despite noble efforts to combat COVID-19, its variants continue to linger, generally circulating around the world due to air travel, the elephant in the sky when it comes to greenhouse gas emissions which the powers that be have resisted to reduce in mitigating climate change. Despite the many flights to 28 UN Congress of the Parties (COPs) conferences, many of them in corporate private jets, in the name of curtailing emissions, the emissions continue to rise despite much fanfare surrounding the goals of the 2015 Paris Agreement to keep global warming below 2°, preferably 1.5°.</p><p>Latour and Shultz go on to praise Europe for responding to the Russian attack on Ukraine by protecting European sovereignty in shifting away ‘from carbon-based fuel that activists had long been clamouring for without budging European states from out of their complacency’ (87). While indeed Putin's war in Ukraine is a tragedy on many counts, what they do not acknowledge is the role that the expansion of NATO played in provoking Putin to instigate a war with no end in sight. The ecological class needs to emphasise demilitarisation and denuclearisation and call attention to the fact that militarism is one of the overlooked sources of emissions, including on the part of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).</p><p>While indeed the ecological class is still in its ascendancy, John Bellamy Foster in <i>Capitalism in the Anthropocene</i> (Monthly Review Press, <span>2022</span>) refers to the formation of an ‘emerging environmental proletariat’ in response to unbridled capitalist globalisation and accumulation. He argues that the prospect of a new environmental proletariat is foreshadowed by various movements and struggles throughout the world, such as the Landless Workers' Movement (MST) in Brazil; the international peasants alliance La Viva Campesina; Venezuela's nascent, albeit besieged, communal state; Cuba's revolutionary ecology and epidemiology; the natural resource nationalist, anti-extractive, and post-colonial movements in Africa; student-led climate strikes; campaigns for a just transition and environmental justice; Black Lives Matter struggles; and the resurgence of global Indigenous environmental campaigns. Perhaps what is needed is a conflation of an emerging ecological class and an environmental proletariat to move beyond Atlantic and Eurocentric efforts to address the ecological and climate crises.</p><p>In his introduction to his interviews with Latour which constitute the bulk of <i>How to Inhabit the Earth</i>, Trunog refers to his interlocutor as having been an iconoclastic and frequently misunderstood figure who inspired a ‘new generation of intellectuals, artists, and activists to do something about the ecological disaster’ (p. 3). He observes that Latour thought in groups and reflected in teams in settings such as Sciences Po and Terra Forma, a project designed to connect the ‘issue of the landscape to territory policy’ (p. 7). Truong contends that Latour came to ecology indirectly, not by being a naturalist or being captivated by wild spaces per se, but through his interactions with scholars interested in ecological issues, such as some of his students at Sciences Po who co-piloted the Citizens' Council for the Climate.</p><p>In the interview on ‘changing worlds’, Latour asserts that humanity is emerging from a ‘world of adaptable sciences, a world of the wealth and comfort provided by the system of production’ (p. 22) into one where humans as living beings are surrounded by other living beings, such as viruses, as was the case during the pandemic, the effects of which are still playing themselves out around the globe. What he fails to recognise is that COVID-19 most probably originated at a local hub, specifically Wuhan, within the distribution network of wild foods. It then disseminated through individuals travelling via planes, trains, and ships to various regions in China and worldwide. Other factors contributing to the spread of the virus are social inequality and urbanisation in which one finds large concentrations of poor people, particularly in the Global South, living in cramped quarters.</p><p>In the interview on ‘the end of modernity’, Latour observes that while the world system had been accelerating in the wake of World War II, after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, it went in a ‘moment of maximum acceleration, maximum extractivism, and maximum denial’ (p. 29), one that continues and is highlighted by the increasing concentration of wealth, the grim reality that 2023 was the hottest recorded year globally, and wars in Ukraine and Gaza. Latour maintains that 1989 marks the ‘beginning of all the big conferences in Tokyo, Rio, on ecology’ (p. 29). However, it is important to add that while the UN has convened 28 COPs climate change conferences, greenhouse gas emissions and global temperatures continue to rise.</p><p>In the interview on ‘Gaia puts us on notice’, Latour observes that the Gaia concept initially formulated by James Lovelock and Lyn Margulis allows us to understand that the ‘environment is made by living things and not, as we believed before, that living beings occupy and environment they adapt to’ (p. 39). He points with approval to the ‘notion of the Anthropocene which allows our friends who are working on it to count the influence of industrialized humans on the rest of the planet’ (p. 38). However, a growing number of critical scholars argue that the Anthropocene concept does not adequately account for gross differential responsibility for the ecological crisis, which might be better described as a socioecological crisis, prompting them to propose the concept of the Capitalocene.</p><p>In the interview on ‘where do we land?’, Latour seeks to redefine territory as not a site of ‘geographical coordinates’ (p. 41), but as one upon what humans depend on for their livelihood. In his earlier book <i>Down to Earth</i>, Latour (Polity, 2018) adopts a Eurocentric take on territory which he does not highlight in the interview in question. He admits that Europe is wealthy in part because it colonised and exploited other regions of the world and caused massive ecological damage. Latour argues that Europe needs to come down to Earth by deglobalising and redefining national sovereignties, presumably within the contours of the European Union. He appears to be calling for a form of European autarky, one in which Europe distances itself from the United States. However, Latour overlooks that European multinational corporations are major players within the parameters of the capitalist world system and engage in trade with other countries, not only the United States but also China, a trend likely to expand further through China's Belt and Road Initiative. Nevertheless, in this interview he indirectly suggests that any ambition of European autarky is a chimera in that the ‘Covid crisis showed that this pretty small, spluttering virus managed to take over the whole globe in just three weeks’ (p. 46).</p><p>The interview on the ‘new ecological class’ essentially summarises observations that Latour made in <i>On the Emergence of the Ecological Class</i>, and thus does not need to be restated here. In the interview on ‘inventing collective apparatuses’, he discusses some of the interdisciplinary exhibitions and projects, such as ‘Iconoclash’ at the Karlsruhe Centre for Art and Media in 2002 and the School of the Arts of Politics at Sciences Po, in which he partook. He maintains that universities need to move beyond the Humboldtian concept of the university as a site for fundamental research and engage with a ‘public, who find themselves in a disarray at least equal to that of the researchers’ (p. 60). However, Latour neglects to address the profound impact of the corporatisation of universities globally, especially in English-speaking nations, on their limited engagement with the public. Rather than critically confronting the socioecological crisis, they often function primarily as training centres focused on sustaining industrial and commercial activities, hindering their ability to do so.</p><p>In the interview on ‘the truth of the religious’, Latour asserts that ‘for theologians, the ecology movement has indubitably had the effect of reopening a space and an obligation to engage in interpretation’ (p. 65). He laments that many believers, including priests and cardinals, have resisted Pope Francis's reference to the planet as ‘our sister, Mother Earth’ (p. 66). He maintains that humanity became civilised with modernity, although poorly, but we can now ‘re-civilize ourselves through the issue of ecology’ (p. 67). However, despite the best of intentions, the institution that Francis oversees is an economic powerhouse that is part and parcel of global capitalism as the overall driver of the socioecological crisis.</p><p>In the ‘science in action’ interview, Latour, known for highlighting the social construction of science in laboratory and field settings, claims that climate scientists, especially those involved in the IPCC process, initially anticipated that climate action would ensue following their discoveries in the early 1980s regarding the impact of CO<sub>2</sub> on temperature rise. However, they later realised that their findings had either been disregarded or minimised. This should not be surprising given that the IPCC is embedded in a structure that is committed to continual economic growth on a global scale and very few climate scientists, apart from a few exceptions such as Kevin Anderson, have had the temerity to challenge the basic premises of the growth paradigm which the United Nations by and large accepts, illustrated within its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Ironically, airplanes have been a lynchpin for global capitalism by transporting people and cargo around the planet, spewing emissions in the process as well as being the main disseminator of the COVID-19 virus.</p><p>In the interview on ‘the circle of politics’, Latour asserts that ‘digital and online social networks’ (p. 88) have been ‘destroying or shredding’ (p. 88) other modes of communication, in the process playing a strong role in shaping political discourse, perhaps best exemplified by Donald Trump's reliance on Tweets, both while as president and during his efforts to recapture the US presidency. He maintains that the proposition that humanity seek new worlds on Mars or elsewhere in outer space is ‘finally being ridiculed’ (p. 90). However, his prognostication may be premature given the growing prominence of digital magnates such Jeff Bezos and Elon Musk, exemplified by the publicity given to their promotion of propelling wealthy customers on joyrides in outer space.</p><p>In the interview on ‘philosophy is beautiful’, Latour argues that philosophy is ‘very important, vital in the moment we're going through, because it's the thing that will allow us to stop the various modes destroying one another’ (p. 97). In the final interview, Latour composes a ‘letter to Lilo’, his grandson who was 1 year old at the time. He believes that the next 20 years will prove to be a touch patch for humanity but contends ‘that in the twenty years after that we'll have found a way to resume the civilizing process that was interrupted in the period that we are now’ (p. 101). I hope that Latour is right, but I personally lament that during the latter decades of his illustrious career in which he grappled with the ecological crisis he never explored in depth alternative visions for the future embedded in eco-socialist, eco-anarchist, degrowth, and Indigenous perspectives.</p><p>While one may quibble with many of the arguments that Latour, along with Schultz, makes in <i>On the Emergence of the Ecological Class</i>, and that he makes in his interviews with Truong in <i>How to Inhabit the Earth</i>, he proved to be an erudite and enigmatic scholar who possessed the rare ability to transcend disciplinary boundaries. When translated into English, many of his ideas appear to be turgidly expressed but perhaps something has been lost in the translation. Politically, on some issues Latour was quite progressive but on others he was conservative in a Eurocentric vein. Like other French intellectuals such as Michel Foucault and Pierre Bourdieu, Latour will continue to be a provocative interdisciplinary thinker for anthropologists and other scholars around the world.</p>","PeriodicalId":45452,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Anthropology","volume":"35 3","pages":"338-343"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5000,"publicationDate":"2024-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/taja.12508","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Australian Journal of Anthropology","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/taja.12508","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q3","JCRName":"ANTHROPOLOGY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

Bruno Latour, a prolific philosopher, anthropologist, sociologist, and science and technology studies scholar, entered the debate on the global ecological crisis with the publication of The Politics of Nature (Harvard University Press, 2004). He became a fellow at the ecomodernist Breakthrough Institute, penning a frequently cited 2011 article in its journal calling for humanity to love its technological monsters like we love our children instead of rejecting them. He called for management of the environment rather than seeking to keep it in a pristine state. In his Distinguished Lecture at the American Anthropological Association annual meeting in December 2014, he asserted that geologists had presented anthropologists with a gift by positioning the anthropos centre stage in the guise of the Anthropocene as the main geological force, thus superseding the Holocene. Latour went on to publish Facing Gaia (Polity, 2017) and Down to Earth (Polity, 2018), followed by On the Emergence of an Ecological Class (2022) (co-authored with Nikolaj Schultz), and How to Inhabit the Earth (2024), which is based on interviews that he had with Nicolas Truong. These last two books before his death in October 2022 are the subjects of my review essay.

On the Emergence of an Ecological Class consists of 10 chapters; there is also a postface in the English edition. Latour and Schultz resist reliance on the notion of class struggle in seeking to delineate the role of a global ecological class, which they do not define as such. Instead, they seek to outline the tasks that the ecological class needs to undertake, noting that the ‘ecological class is still afraid of not knowing how to position itself in its relationship to the struggles of the past two centuries’ (p. 8), because it fears that it is not sufficiently left-wing. In seeking to provide guidance on which direction the ecological class should pursue, they delineate a broad and diffuse litany of recommendations. These include: (1) defining the direction of its own history (p. 10); defining itself in ‘relation to the material conditions of its existence’ (p. 11); furnishing ‘equipment to change direction’ (p. 19) in light of the grim reality that the Anthropocene and Great Acceleration that entailed the ‘rapid acceleration of systems of production destabilised Earth systems and climate systems’ (p. 13); adding to the ‘relations of production engendering practices that have always defined the exterior of human activity’ (p. 23); persuading sectors of old classes, including the working class, to ‘form alliances with it in a bid to find other ways of promoting their interests’ (p. 28); and critically examining the role of the state in supporting an ‘international order based on development and globalisation’ (p. 69).

Contrasting it with a declining union movement, Latour and Schultz maintain that the ecological class is presently experiencing a greater number of assassinations around the world for its subversive efforts in challenging global production processes. They maintain that the ecological class constitutes a broad church which includes young people who have revolted because they feel betrayed, and even Christians who ‘now sense in ecology a call that could reset their dogmas’ (p. 51), including on the part of Pope Francis. Latour and Schultz argue that such battles are ‘now all about the occupation, nature, usage and maintenance of territories and subsistence conditions’ (p. 57). They argue that the ecological class needs to renew the humanities by relying on media and many other formats to conceptualise a vision for a new and revitalised Earth. Conversely, new Earth sciences, including the biological sciences, need to be ‘part and parcel of exploring the conditions of the planet's behaviour’ (p. 59).

However, Latour and Schultz adopt an explicitly Eurocentric stance in their assertion that a united Europe—no longer so united given the UK's departure from the European Union—despite its flaws, constitutes an ‘exemplar of a truly life-size experiment in which the redistribution of the inside and outside of states prime the ecological class for its future pivotal as a class capable of dragging other classes alongside it’ (p. 73). However, Europe, along with other sectors of the Global North, continues to be a heartland of the capitalist world system which relies on scarce resources and cheap labour from the Global South and China, the largest contributor to greenhouse gas emissions. The latter serves not only as the factory of the world but the primary source of rare metals necessary for a global program of ecological modernisation.

Latour and Schultz recognise that the ecological class faces a daunting task in the face of rising authoritarianism around much of the world, including in Europe. The ecological class is reportedly serving as a harbinger of a ‘cosmological shift’ (p. 77) that is presently under way. They assert that the development of a cosmological shift needs to rely on even more fundamental research, much of which will need to occur within universities. What Latour and Schultz fail to acknowledge is that universities around the world, particularly in the Global North, are being increasingly corporatised, responding to the dictates of capital rather than critical thinking. Thus, it is essential that the ecological class helps to revolutionise universities so that they become more egalitarian, democratic, and environmentally sustainable institutions than they were in the past and presently are.

In the postface to the English edition of their Memo, Latour and Schultz, while admitting that the ‘idea of the ecological class seems remote’ (p. 85) at the present time, argue that the COVID-19 pandemic ‘demonstrated how quickly whole nations could react to a new threat’ (p. 86). Conversely, they downplay that despite noble efforts to combat COVID-19, its variants continue to linger, generally circulating around the world due to air travel, the elephant in the sky when it comes to greenhouse gas emissions which the powers that be have resisted to reduce in mitigating climate change. Despite the many flights to 28 UN Congress of the Parties (COPs) conferences, many of them in corporate private jets, in the name of curtailing emissions, the emissions continue to rise despite much fanfare surrounding the goals of the 2015 Paris Agreement to keep global warming below 2°, preferably 1.5°.

Latour and Shultz go on to praise Europe for responding to the Russian attack on Ukraine by protecting European sovereignty in shifting away ‘from carbon-based fuel that activists had long been clamouring for without budging European states from out of their complacency’ (87). While indeed Putin's war in Ukraine is a tragedy on many counts, what they do not acknowledge is the role that the expansion of NATO played in provoking Putin to instigate a war with no end in sight. The ecological class needs to emphasise demilitarisation and denuclearisation and call attention to the fact that militarism is one of the overlooked sources of emissions, including on the part of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).

While indeed the ecological class is still in its ascendancy, John Bellamy Foster in Capitalism in the Anthropocene (Monthly Review Press, 2022) refers to the formation of an ‘emerging environmental proletariat’ in response to unbridled capitalist globalisation and accumulation. He argues that the prospect of a new environmental proletariat is foreshadowed by various movements and struggles throughout the world, such as the Landless Workers' Movement (MST) in Brazil; the international peasants alliance La Viva Campesina; Venezuela's nascent, albeit besieged, communal state; Cuba's revolutionary ecology and epidemiology; the natural resource nationalist, anti-extractive, and post-colonial movements in Africa; student-led climate strikes; campaigns for a just transition and environmental justice; Black Lives Matter struggles; and the resurgence of global Indigenous environmental campaigns. Perhaps what is needed is a conflation of an emerging ecological class and an environmental proletariat to move beyond Atlantic and Eurocentric efforts to address the ecological and climate crises.

In his introduction to his interviews with Latour which constitute the bulk of How to Inhabit the Earth, Trunog refers to his interlocutor as having been an iconoclastic and frequently misunderstood figure who inspired a ‘new generation of intellectuals, artists, and activists to do something about the ecological disaster’ (p. 3). He observes that Latour thought in groups and reflected in teams in settings such as Sciences Po and Terra Forma, a project designed to connect the ‘issue of the landscape to territory policy’ (p. 7). Truong contends that Latour came to ecology indirectly, not by being a naturalist or being captivated by wild spaces per se, but through his interactions with scholars interested in ecological issues, such as some of his students at Sciences Po who co-piloted the Citizens' Council for the Climate.

In the interview on ‘changing worlds’, Latour asserts that humanity is emerging from a ‘world of adaptable sciences, a world of the wealth and comfort provided by the system of production’ (p. 22) into one where humans as living beings are surrounded by other living beings, such as viruses, as was the case during the pandemic, the effects of which are still playing themselves out around the globe. What he fails to recognise is that COVID-19 most probably originated at a local hub, specifically Wuhan, within the distribution network of wild foods. It then disseminated through individuals travelling via planes, trains, and ships to various regions in China and worldwide. Other factors contributing to the spread of the virus are social inequality and urbanisation in which one finds large concentrations of poor people, particularly in the Global South, living in cramped quarters.

In the interview on ‘the end of modernity’, Latour observes that while the world system had been accelerating in the wake of World War II, after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, it went in a ‘moment of maximum acceleration, maximum extractivism, and maximum denial’ (p. 29), one that continues and is highlighted by the increasing concentration of wealth, the grim reality that 2023 was the hottest recorded year globally, and wars in Ukraine and Gaza. Latour maintains that 1989 marks the ‘beginning of all the big conferences in Tokyo, Rio, on ecology’ (p. 29). However, it is important to add that while the UN has convened 28 COPs climate change conferences, greenhouse gas emissions and global temperatures continue to rise.

In the interview on ‘Gaia puts us on notice’, Latour observes that the Gaia concept initially formulated by James Lovelock and Lyn Margulis allows us to understand that the ‘environment is made by living things and not, as we believed before, that living beings occupy and environment they adapt to’ (p. 39). He points with approval to the ‘notion of the Anthropocene which allows our friends who are working on it to count the influence of industrialized humans on the rest of the planet’ (p. 38). However, a growing number of critical scholars argue that the Anthropocene concept does not adequately account for gross differential responsibility for the ecological crisis, which might be better described as a socioecological crisis, prompting them to propose the concept of the Capitalocene.

In the interview on ‘where do we land?’, Latour seeks to redefine territory as not a site of ‘geographical coordinates’ (p. 41), but as one upon what humans depend on for their livelihood. In his earlier book Down to Earth, Latour (Polity, 2018) adopts a Eurocentric take on territory which he does not highlight in the interview in question. He admits that Europe is wealthy in part because it colonised and exploited other regions of the world and caused massive ecological damage. Latour argues that Europe needs to come down to Earth by deglobalising and redefining national sovereignties, presumably within the contours of the European Union. He appears to be calling for a form of European autarky, one in which Europe distances itself from the United States. However, Latour overlooks that European multinational corporations are major players within the parameters of the capitalist world system and engage in trade with other countries, not only the United States but also China, a trend likely to expand further through China's Belt and Road Initiative. Nevertheless, in this interview he indirectly suggests that any ambition of European autarky is a chimera in that the ‘Covid crisis showed that this pretty small, spluttering virus managed to take over the whole globe in just three weeks’ (p. 46).

The interview on the ‘new ecological class’ essentially summarises observations that Latour made in On the Emergence of the Ecological Class, and thus does not need to be restated here. In the interview on ‘inventing collective apparatuses’, he discusses some of the interdisciplinary exhibitions and projects, such as ‘Iconoclash’ at the Karlsruhe Centre for Art and Media in 2002 and the School of the Arts of Politics at Sciences Po, in which he partook. He maintains that universities need to move beyond the Humboldtian concept of the university as a site for fundamental research and engage with a ‘public, who find themselves in a disarray at least equal to that of the researchers’ (p. 60). However, Latour neglects to address the profound impact of the corporatisation of universities globally, especially in English-speaking nations, on their limited engagement with the public. Rather than critically confronting the socioecological crisis, they often function primarily as training centres focused on sustaining industrial and commercial activities, hindering their ability to do so.

In the interview on ‘the truth of the religious’, Latour asserts that ‘for theologians, the ecology movement has indubitably had the effect of reopening a space and an obligation to engage in interpretation’ (p. 65). He laments that many believers, including priests and cardinals, have resisted Pope Francis's reference to the planet as ‘our sister, Mother Earth’ (p. 66). He maintains that humanity became civilised with modernity, although poorly, but we can now ‘re-civilize ourselves through the issue of ecology’ (p. 67). However, despite the best of intentions, the institution that Francis oversees is an economic powerhouse that is part and parcel of global capitalism as the overall driver of the socioecological crisis.

In the ‘science in action’ interview, Latour, known for highlighting the social construction of science in laboratory and field settings, claims that climate scientists, especially those involved in the IPCC process, initially anticipated that climate action would ensue following their discoveries in the early 1980s regarding the impact of CO2 on temperature rise. However, they later realised that their findings had either been disregarded or minimised. This should not be surprising given that the IPCC is embedded in a structure that is committed to continual economic growth on a global scale and very few climate scientists, apart from a few exceptions such as Kevin Anderson, have had the temerity to challenge the basic premises of the growth paradigm which the United Nations by and large accepts, illustrated within its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Ironically, airplanes have been a lynchpin for global capitalism by transporting people and cargo around the planet, spewing emissions in the process as well as being the main disseminator of the COVID-19 virus.

In the interview on ‘the circle of politics’, Latour asserts that ‘digital and online social networks’ (p. 88) have been ‘destroying or shredding’ (p. 88) other modes of communication, in the process playing a strong role in shaping political discourse, perhaps best exemplified by Donald Trump's reliance on Tweets, both while as president and during his efforts to recapture the US presidency. He maintains that the proposition that humanity seek new worlds on Mars or elsewhere in outer space is ‘finally being ridiculed’ (p. 90). However, his prognostication may be premature given the growing prominence of digital magnates such Jeff Bezos and Elon Musk, exemplified by the publicity given to their promotion of propelling wealthy customers on joyrides in outer space.

In the interview on ‘philosophy is beautiful’, Latour argues that philosophy is ‘very important, vital in the moment we're going through, because it's the thing that will allow us to stop the various modes destroying one another’ (p. 97). In the final interview, Latour composes a ‘letter to Lilo’, his grandson who was 1 year old at the time. He believes that the next 20 years will prove to be a touch patch for humanity but contends ‘that in the twenty years after that we'll have found a way to resume the civilizing process that was interrupted in the period that we are now’ (p. 101). I hope that Latour is right, but I personally lament that during the latter decades of his illustrious career in which he grappled with the ecological crisis he never explored in depth alternative visions for the future embedded in eco-socialist, eco-anarchist, degrowth, and Indigenous perspectives.

While one may quibble with many of the arguments that Latour, along with Schultz, makes in On the Emergence of the Ecological Class, and that he makes in his interviews with Truong in How to Inhabit the Earth, he proved to be an erudite and enigmatic scholar who possessed the rare ability to transcend disciplinary boundaries. When translated into English, many of his ideas appear to be turgidly expressed but perhaps something has been lost in the translation. Politically, on some issues Latour was quite progressive but on others he was conservative in a Eurocentric vein. Like other French intellectuals such as Michel Foucault and Pierre Bourdieu, Latour will continue to be a provocative interdisciplinary thinker for anthropologists and other scholars around the world.

《拉图尔的绝唱:应对生态危机》布鲁诺·拉图尔和尼古拉·舒尔茨著。论生态阶级的出现:一份备忘录。朱莉·罗斯译,伦敦:政体出版社,2022。92页。12.99美元(pbk)。ISBN 9781509555062布鲁诺·拉图尔著。《如何在地球上生存:尼古拉斯·张的访谈》朱莉·罗斯译,伦敦:政体出版社,2024。103页。16.95美元(pbk)。ISBN 9781505559473
导致病毒传播的其他因素是社会不平等和城市化,在城市化中,人们发现大量穷人,特别是在全球南方,居住在狭窄的地方。在关于“现代性的终结”的采访中,拉图尔观察到,尽管世界体系在第二次世界大战后加速发展,但在1989年柏林墙倒塌后,它进入了一个“最大加速、最大榨取和最大否认的时刻”(第29页),财富的日益集中、2023年是全球有记录以来最热的一年的严峻现实,以及乌克兰和加沙的战争,都在继续并突出了这一进程。拉图尔坚持认为,1989年标志着“所有在东京召开的生态学大型会议的开始”(第29页)。然而,需要补充的是,尽管联合国已经召开了28次缔约方会议,但温室气体排放和全球气温仍在持续上升。在关于“盖亚让我们注意到”的采访中,拉图尔观察到,盖亚概念最初是由詹姆斯·洛夫洛克和林恩·马古利斯提出的,它让我们明白“环境是由生物创造的,而不是像我们以前认为的那样,生物占据和适应环境”(第39页)。他赞同“人类世的概念,它使我们的朋友们能够计算工业化人类对地球其他地区的影响”(第38页)。然而,越来越多的持批判态度的学者认为,人类世的概念并没有充分解释生态危机的总体差异责任,生态危机可能被更好地描述为社会生态危机,这促使他们提出了资本世的概念。在“我们在哪里着陆?”,拉图尔试图将领土重新定义为不是一个“地理坐标”的地点(第41页),而是一个人类赖以生存的地方。在他的早期著作《脚踏实地》中,拉图尔(Polity, 2018)采用了一种以欧洲为中心的观点,他在采访中没有强调这一点。他承认,欧洲之所以富有,部分原因是它殖民和剥削了世界其他地区,造成了巨大的生态破坏。拉图尔认为,欧洲需要通过去全球化和重新定义国家主权(大概是在欧盟范围内)来回归现实。他似乎在呼吁一种形式的欧洲自给自足,一种欧洲与美国保持距离的自给自足。然而,拉图尔忽视了欧洲跨国公司是资本主义世界体系参数中的主要参与者,并与其他国家进行贸易,不仅是美国,还有中国,这一趋势可能会通过中国的“一带一路”倡议进一步扩大。然而,在这次采访中,他间接暗示,欧洲自给自足的任何野心都是一种幻想,因为“Covid危机表明,这种很小的、飞溅的病毒在短短三周内就控制了整个地球”(第46页)。关于“新生态阶级”的采访基本上总结了拉图尔在《论生态阶级的出现》中所做的观察,因此不需要在这里重述。在关于“发明集体装置”的采访中,他讨论了一些跨学科的展览和项目,比如2002年在卡尔斯鲁厄艺术与媒体中心举办的“Iconoclash”,以及他参与的巴黎政治学院政治艺术学院。他坚持认为,大学需要超越洪堡的概念,即大学是基础研究的场所,并与“发现自己至少与研究人员一样混乱的公众”接触(第60页)。然而,拉图尔忽视了全球(尤其是英语国家)大学公司化对它们与公众接触有限的深刻影响。它们往往主要充当培训中心,侧重于维持工业和商业活动,而不是批判性地面对社会生态危机,这阻碍了它们这样做的能力。在关于“宗教的真理”的采访中,拉图尔断言,“对于神学家来说,生态学运动无疑具有重新开放空间和参与解释的义务的影响”(第65页)。他感叹道,包括牧师和枢机主教在内的许多信徒都反对教宗方济各将地球称为“我们的姐妹,地球母亲”(第66页)。他坚持认为,人类随着现代性而变得文明化,尽管程度不高,但我们现在可以“通过生态问题重新文明化自己”(第67页)。然而,尽管用意是好的,但方济各监管的机构是一个经济强国,是全球资本主义的重要组成部分,是社会生态危机的总体驱动因素。 在“科学在行动”的采访中,以强调实验室和实地环境中科学的社会建构而闻名的拉图尔声称,气候科学家,特别是那些参与IPCC进程的气候科学家,最初预计气候行动将在20世纪80年代初关于二氧化碳对温度上升的影响的发现之后随之而来。然而,他们后来意识到,他们的发现要么被忽视,要么被最小化。鉴于IPCC所处的结构致力于全球范围内的持续经济增长,而且除了凯文·安德森(Kevin Anderson)等少数例外,很少有气候科学家敢于挑战联合国在其可持续发展目标(sdg)中基本接受的增长模式的基本前提,这一点不足为奇。具有讽刺意味的是,飞机一直是全球资本主义的关键,它在地球上运送人员和货物,在这个过程中排放废气,也是新冠病毒的主要传播者。在关于“政治圈”的采访中,拉图尔断言,“数字和在线社交网络”(第88页)一直在“摧毁或粉碎”其他交流模式(第88页),在这个过程中,在塑造政治话语方面发挥了重要作用,最好的例子可能是唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)对推特的依赖,无论是在担任总统期间还是在努力重新夺回美国总统职位期间。他坚持认为,人类在火星或外太空其他地方寻找新世界的主张“最终被嘲笑了”(第90页)。然而,考虑到杰夫·贝佐斯(Jeff Bezos)和埃隆·马斯克(Elon Musk)等数字巨头日益突出的地位,他的预言可能还言之过早。他们鼓动富有的客户去外太空兜风的宣传就是例证。在关于“哲学是美丽的”的采访中,拉图尔认为哲学“在我们正在经历的时刻非常重要,至关重要,因为它将允许我们阻止各种模式相互破坏”(第97页)。在最后的采访中,拉图尔写了一封“给Lilo的信”,他的孙子当时才1岁。他认为,未来20年将被证明是人类的一个转折点,但他认为,“在那之后的20年里,我们将找到一种方法来恢复在我们现在所处的时期被中断的文明进程”(第101页)。我希望拉图尔是对的,但我个人感到遗憾的是,在他辉煌的职业生涯的最后几十年里,他与生态危机作斗争,他从未深入探索过生态社会主义、生态无政府主义、去增长和土著观点中对未来的替代愿景。虽然人们可能会对拉图尔和舒尔茨在《生态阶级的出现》一书中提出的许多论点,以及他在《如何居住在地球上》中对张謇的采访中提出的许多论点提出质疑,但他证明了自己是一位博学而神秘的学者,拥有超越学科界限的罕见能力。当翻译成英语时,他的许多思想似乎表达得很松散,但也许在翻译中丢失了一些东西。在政治上,拉图尔在一些问题上相当进步,但在另一些问题上,他是保守的,以欧洲为中心。与米歇尔·福柯(Michel Foucault)和皮埃尔·布迪厄(Pierre Bourdieu)等其他法国知识分子一样,拉图尔将继续成为世界各地人类学家和其他学者心目中具有挑衅性的跨学科思想家。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
1.50
自引率
12.50%
发文量
38
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