“Our planet: Too big to fail”: The semiotics of capitalist responses to climate change

IF 2.6 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY
Chelsie Yount
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This wordplay not only underscored the importance of climate action to an audience of “sustainability” professionals, it introduced a narrative on climate change that frames banks and businesses as integral to achieving planetary health and justice.</p><p>Applying the notion of something “too big to fail” to the natural world, the title announced a communicative strategy found throughout the film: that of “translating” the stakes of the climate crisis into the terms of the financial sector. “Ecosystems are assets. We're really talking about an asset management problem,” one interviewee claimed. Over images of melting glaciers, the film opens with an admission of guilt, the narrator's declaration that, “our finance sector has unwittingly bankrolled the destruction of the very natural systems that it relies upon.” It calls financiers to rectify past misdeeds by taking the interests of nonfinancial “stakeholders” into account and aiding governments with the transition to a sustainable economy.</p><p>Claims that finance ought to play a leading role in managing climate change are central to financiers’ arguments legitimating the need for “ESG” and other forms of “sustainable” investing (Campisano, <span>2020</span>). ESG is an investment strategy that proposes to take “nonfinancial” data on environmental (E), social (S), and governance (G) issues into account when determining the value of company stocks.</p><p>ESG and other assets labeled “sustainable” emerged through the language practices of financialized capitalism, which reflect and animate assumptions of the market economy, treating costs associated with things like public health or the environment as “externalities” that need not be accounted for on financial balance sheets. Perceived as “nonfinancial” in nature, information about a company's environmental and social impact thus appears to require translation to be understood and acted upon within the financialized capitalist system. Accordingly, arguments for the importance of ESG metrics are often framed as a “translation” of climate scientists’ warnings into the language of finance. Linguistic anthropologists have long argued that translations are never merely different ways of saying “the same thing.” Rather, they are interdiscursive achievements that carry out social action to political effects (Gal, <span>2015</span>). Analysis of modes of communication on climate change in corporate and financial spheres reveals how the future of climate action is entangled with the profit-driven webs of global finance.</p><p>Using the terms of the market economy to underscore the importance of our planet's natural systems might appear, at first, to be another example of how speakers rely on the language of capitalism to value practices, lifeforms, and modes of personhood in the neoliberal era (Gershon, <span>2018</span>). But I suggest that in discourses about sustainable finance, the effects of this sort of “translation” are different in at least one critical aspect. Arguments for ESG are often founded on the claim that the climate crisis has become so severe, the need for action so urgent, that national governments no longer have the means to manage on their own but require the funds and global networks of the financial system. This assertion marks a shift beyond the neoliberal principle of limited government regulation, toward integrating financial actors directly into governance, giving banks and businesses the power to determine which types of climate action merit funding.</p><p>How can ESG narratives, like those in the WWF film, assert that finance should take on a more powerful role in managing the climate crisis, while simultaneously acknowledging the sector's complicity in environmental degradation? I suggest that this discursive leap is made possible, in part, by framing this message as a “translation.” Presented as an account of climate change told in the language of financiers, these narratives assert commensurability between climate scientists’ messages of urgency and the language of market capitalism (and the systems of valuation it entails). Using financial terms to justify climate action, speakers engage in a semiotic practice that assimilates planetary health into market-based modes of calculation. Speakers thereby take a political stance in a contest between capitalist values of continual growth, on the one hand, and environmental sustainability on the other.</p><p>Told in the language of finance, the story of climate change begins and ends with global capitalism. The immense power consolidated in global banks and businesses is not evidence of a failed neoliberal experiment with minimal government regulation, but rather, a force that—if used for good—has the power to solve climate change. The semiotic form of the “translation” precludes other conclusions, including the possibility that finance should be subject to stricter legal standards or that unbridled growth is incompatible with planetary health. In this telling, finance's complicity in the climate crisis is not a systemic and ongoing issue, but a mistake from the sector's naïve past, having “unwittingly” bankrolled environmental destruction. This claim opens a space for finance's hero narrative, asserting that errant financial institutions must right past wrongs by joining forces with the public sector to foster a transition toward a sustainable (capitalist) economy. The dutiful language of responsibility obscures a tacit bid for increased power. Adding the moral weight of climate science to financiers’ message, the translation offers up sustainable finance as a redeemed form of capitalism.</p><p>ESG is not a public form of regulation. It encompasses a number of private metrics, used to label and add value to company stock and financial products like green and social bonds. Arguments about the importance of considering nonfinancial measures are never (only) about the gravity of climate change. They simultaneously work to sell ESG products, adding to the value of the metrics themselves. At events like the Moral Money Summit, financial professionals and corporate leaders listen for the sales pitch woven into narratives on the urgency of the climate crisis, to gauge whether ESG remains a gamble or if the market has matured such that failure to get on board risks alienating clients. In these spaces, the search for profit in climate action is not hidden but foregrounded.</p><p>Proponents of sustainable finance argue that companies with higher ESG ratings are more profitable (Sels, <span>2021</span>; Tew, <span>2020</span>). They assert that low ESG ratings are associated with hidden costs, low employee morale, high turnover rates, and decreased productivity, as well as expenses associated with managing regulatory issues (Mishra, <span>2020</span>). This emphasis on profitability—underscored in the adage that sustainable finance allows investors to “do well by doing good”—draws attention to one key difference between ESG and other calls for ethical business practices. ESG is a valuation technique that allows analysts to treat moral concerns as market indicators. This, Stefan Leins (<span>2020</span>, 3, 1) argues, set the stage for ESG to become a tool of speculation “that does not primarily empower moral considerations, but rather optimizes financial gains,” allowing financiers to create profit out of the “social contention and crises of capitalism.” The effects of ESG metrics radiate into the world, shaping the projects that banks fund and the initiatives prioritized by corporations eager to be included in portfolios of ESG stocks.</p><p>Similarities between the “translations” used to support sustainable finance and corporate communication on climate change shed light on the obstacles that impede efforts to incorporate nonfinancial ESG criteria into business. The narrative arc presented in the WWF film shares generic conventions with speeches corporate leaders have delivered at industry gatherings and climate forums over the past decade. I first encountered this discursive form, which we might call the “Speech of the Repentant Capitalist,” during fieldwork at a company I call “Baylone,” one of the world's largest food corporations. At a meeting of industry leaders in 2017, the company's CEO delivered a speech declaring the corporation's intent to take a leading role in addressing issues of planetary health. This formal address took a three-part structure, similar to the language in the WWF film and speeches the CEO of Unilever has been giving at least since 2014 (see also Catanoso, <span>2014</span>; Tripathy, <span>2022</span> on moral narratives in finance).</p><p>Repentant capitalist speeches begin in a somber tone, with an admission of (industrywide) culpability, for misdeeds committed before their consequences were clear. Baylone's CEO solemnly acknowledges the food industry's implication in the “unprecedented and unexpected” depletion of planetary resources. Then comes an ultimatum, which translates climate scientists’ warnings into the stakes of business. Unilever's CEO claims that “Left unchecked, climate change has the potential to become a significant barrier to our growth,” because companies “cannot prosper in a world with runaway climate change.”<sup>2</sup> These speeches then shift in tone, to deliver a future-focused call to action, asserting that there is still hope if businesses take responsibility for their environmental impact and partner with the public sector to promote sustainable growth. Baylone's CEO claimed that his company would “inspire a revolution,” holding themselves accountable, not only for financial profits, but also for the social and environmental value that they create and share with nonfinancial stakeholders. Like the ghosts of Christmas whose visits compelled Scrooge to change his miserly ways, the three-part structure of the repentant capitalist speech traces the steps toward capitalist conversion, which renders a company, or an industry, fit to lead a global transformation toward sustainability.</p><p>When I first heard the Baylone CEO's speech, this frank admission of fault gave me pause. Unaware of the similarities between his claims and discourses that circulated widely at corporate and financial events, I wondered who he aimed to convince: Shareholders? Employees? Potential clients? I have written elsewhere about the ways the Baylone employees rallied around the CEO's words, citing them in their slides, referencing his speech over lunchtime discussions (Yount-André, <span>2021</span>). But the uptake of his message among shareholders and consumers tells a different story, revealing practical obstacles that impede the transformation to a sustainable economy promised in corporate and financial spheres.</p><p>Baylone had little trouble achieving a AAA ESG rating. Yet, narratives of sustainable capitalism remained central to company discourses, as the CEO set his sights on “stakeholder capitalism,” symbolized by the company's pursuit of “B-Corp” status, a private certification awarded to companies that demonstrate that they prioritize sustainability and the interests of nonfinancial stakeholders. Within Baylone, the CEO's message of sustainability had a palpable impact: it allowed him to advance through the corporate ranks and Baylone employees regularly voiced their alignment with the CEO's objectives in presentations, PowerPoints, and everyday discussion. But 1-year into the COVID pandemic, the CEO was ousted by the board of directors, under pressure from “activist investors” who blamed him for chronic underperformance.</p><p>Consumers remained skeptical of Baylone's efforts at sustainability, evidenced by lackluster sales and derisive reactions online to Baylone advertisements presenting its message of sustainability to the general public. Unlike its larger competitors, Nestle and Unilever, Baylone's commitment to sustainability was not accompanied by sales growth. The CEO may have convinced many of his peers and employees with his tale of redemption and revolution through sustainable capitalism but without financial returns it was all for naught. The CEO's removal sparked much debate in the business world. Journalists speculated about what it would mean for the future of stakeholder capitalism. LinkedIn users decried the company's choice to prioritize short-term profits over long-term solutions. Some pointed out that Baylone's 2020 performance was impressive according to accounting measures that treat social and environmental metrics as equally important as economic performance.</p><p>Whatever financiers’ narratives about sustainable finance say about the importance of nonfinancial variables in determining a company's value, by law, shareholder primacy reins. Benefits promised in narratives of sustainable capitalism all hinge on a scenario in which commitments to the environment are accompanied by boundless growth. In this system of private metrics and voluntary measures, the momentous task of managing the climate crisis is reduced to a side hustle for banks and businesses working to profit from crises of capitalism. Attending to the semiotic modes through which corporate and financial professionals “translate” the need for climate action into business terms reveals how their moral narratives obscure tensions inherent to this hierarchy of priorities. Framed as a <i>responsibility</i> that banks and businesses can no longer disregard, achieving planetary health and justice is recast as the self-evident domain of the private sector, to be managed by global economic elites with aims of capitalist accumulation.</p>","PeriodicalId":7697,"journal":{"name":"American Anthropologist","volume":"126 4","pages":"690-693"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6000,"publicationDate":"2024-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aman.28005","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"American Anthropologist","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/aman.28005","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"ANTHROPOLOGY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

In September of 2020, the Financial Times organized its inaugural “Moral Money Summit,” a gathering of world leaders in business and finance with an interest in sustainable investing. At this online event, the head of sustainable finance at the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) premiered a film highlighting “the importance of nature to our global economy and the catastrophic risks to our financial systems if we choose to ignore it.”1 Its title, “Our Planet: Too Big to Fail,” borrowed from the language used during the 2008 financial crisis to justify government bailouts for the world's largest banks, based on the belief that these financial institutions were so large and interconnected that their failure would spell the demise of the greater economic system. This wordplay not only underscored the importance of climate action to an audience of “sustainability” professionals, it introduced a narrative on climate change that frames banks and businesses as integral to achieving planetary health and justice.

Applying the notion of something “too big to fail” to the natural world, the title announced a communicative strategy found throughout the film: that of “translating” the stakes of the climate crisis into the terms of the financial sector. “Ecosystems are assets. We're really talking about an asset management problem,” one interviewee claimed. Over images of melting glaciers, the film opens with an admission of guilt, the narrator's declaration that, “our finance sector has unwittingly bankrolled the destruction of the very natural systems that it relies upon.” It calls financiers to rectify past misdeeds by taking the interests of nonfinancial “stakeholders” into account and aiding governments with the transition to a sustainable economy.

Claims that finance ought to play a leading role in managing climate change are central to financiers’ arguments legitimating the need for “ESG” and other forms of “sustainable” investing (Campisano, 2020). ESG is an investment strategy that proposes to take “nonfinancial” data on environmental (E), social (S), and governance (G) issues into account when determining the value of company stocks.

ESG and other assets labeled “sustainable” emerged through the language practices of financialized capitalism, which reflect and animate assumptions of the market economy, treating costs associated with things like public health or the environment as “externalities” that need not be accounted for on financial balance sheets. Perceived as “nonfinancial” in nature, information about a company's environmental and social impact thus appears to require translation to be understood and acted upon within the financialized capitalist system. Accordingly, arguments for the importance of ESG metrics are often framed as a “translation” of climate scientists’ warnings into the language of finance. Linguistic anthropologists have long argued that translations are never merely different ways of saying “the same thing.” Rather, they are interdiscursive achievements that carry out social action to political effects (Gal, 2015). Analysis of modes of communication on climate change in corporate and financial spheres reveals how the future of climate action is entangled with the profit-driven webs of global finance.

Using the terms of the market economy to underscore the importance of our planet's natural systems might appear, at first, to be another example of how speakers rely on the language of capitalism to value practices, lifeforms, and modes of personhood in the neoliberal era (Gershon, 2018). But I suggest that in discourses about sustainable finance, the effects of this sort of “translation” are different in at least one critical aspect. Arguments for ESG are often founded on the claim that the climate crisis has become so severe, the need for action so urgent, that national governments no longer have the means to manage on their own but require the funds and global networks of the financial system. This assertion marks a shift beyond the neoliberal principle of limited government regulation, toward integrating financial actors directly into governance, giving banks and businesses the power to determine which types of climate action merit funding.

How can ESG narratives, like those in the WWF film, assert that finance should take on a more powerful role in managing the climate crisis, while simultaneously acknowledging the sector's complicity in environmental degradation? I suggest that this discursive leap is made possible, in part, by framing this message as a “translation.” Presented as an account of climate change told in the language of financiers, these narratives assert commensurability between climate scientists’ messages of urgency and the language of market capitalism (and the systems of valuation it entails). Using financial terms to justify climate action, speakers engage in a semiotic practice that assimilates planetary health into market-based modes of calculation. Speakers thereby take a political stance in a contest between capitalist values of continual growth, on the one hand, and environmental sustainability on the other.

Told in the language of finance, the story of climate change begins and ends with global capitalism. The immense power consolidated in global banks and businesses is not evidence of a failed neoliberal experiment with minimal government regulation, but rather, a force that—if used for good—has the power to solve climate change. The semiotic form of the “translation” precludes other conclusions, including the possibility that finance should be subject to stricter legal standards or that unbridled growth is incompatible with planetary health. In this telling, finance's complicity in the climate crisis is not a systemic and ongoing issue, but a mistake from the sector's naïve past, having “unwittingly” bankrolled environmental destruction. This claim opens a space for finance's hero narrative, asserting that errant financial institutions must right past wrongs by joining forces with the public sector to foster a transition toward a sustainable (capitalist) economy. The dutiful language of responsibility obscures a tacit bid for increased power. Adding the moral weight of climate science to financiers’ message, the translation offers up sustainable finance as a redeemed form of capitalism.

ESG is not a public form of regulation. It encompasses a number of private metrics, used to label and add value to company stock and financial products like green and social bonds. Arguments about the importance of considering nonfinancial measures are never (only) about the gravity of climate change. They simultaneously work to sell ESG products, adding to the value of the metrics themselves. At events like the Moral Money Summit, financial professionals and corporate leaders listen for the sales pitch woven into narratives on the urgency of the climate crisis, to gauge whether ESG remains a gamble or if the market has matured such that failure to get on board risks alienating clients. In these spaces, the search for profit in climate action is not hidden but foregrounded.

Proponents of sustainable finance argue that companies with higher ESG ratings are more profitable (Sels, 2021; Tew, 2020). They assert that low ESG ratings are associated with hidden costs, low employee morale, high turnover rates, and decreased productivity, as well as expenses associated with managing regulatory issues (Mishra, 2020). This emphasis on profitability—underscored in the adage that sustainable finance allows investors to “do well by doing good”—draws attention to one key difference between ESG and other calls for ethical business practices. ESG is a valuation technique that allows analysts to treat moral concerns as market indicators. This, Stefan Leins (2020, 3, 1) argues, set the stage for ESG to become a tool of speculation “that does not primarily empower moral considerations, but rather optimizes financial gains,” allowing financiers to create profit out of the “social contention and crises of capitalism.” The effects of ESG metrics radiate into the world, shaping the projects that banks fund and the initiatives prioritized by corporations eager to be included in portfolios of ESG stocks.

Similarities between the “translations” used to support sustainable finance and corporate communication on climate change shed light on the obstacles that impede efforts to incorporate nonfinancial ESG criteria into business. The narrative arc presented in the WWF film shares generic conventions with speeches corporate leaders have delivered at industry gatherings and climate forums over the past decade. I first encountered this discursive form, which we might call the “Speech of the Repentant Capitalist,” during fieldwork at a company I call “Baylone,” one of the world's largest food corporations. At a meeting of industry leaders in 2017, the company's CEO delivered a speech declaring the corporation's intent to take a leading role in addressing issues of planetary health. This formal address took a three-part structure, similar to the language in the WWF film and speeches the CEO of Unilever has been giving at least since 2014 (see also Catanoso, 2014; Tripathy, 2022 on moral narratives in finance).

Repentant capitalist speeches begin in a somber tone, with an admission of (industrywide) culpability, for misdeeds committed before their consequences were clear. Baylone's CEO solemnly acknowledges the food industry's implication in the “unprecedented and unexpected” depletion of planetary resources. Then comes an ultimatum, which translates climate scientists’ warnings into the stakes of business. Unilever's CEO claims that “Left unchecked, climate change has the potential to become a significant barrier to our growth,” because companies “cannot prosper in a world with runaway climate change.”2 These speeches then shift in tone, to deliver a future-focused call to action, asserting that there is still hope if businesses take responsibility for their environmental impact and partner with the public sector to promote sustainable growth. Baylone's CEO claimed that his company would “inspire a revolution,” holding themselves accountable, not only for financial profits, but also for the social and environmental value that they create and share with nonfinancial stakeholders. Like the ghosts of Christmas whose visits compelled Scrooge to change his miserly ways, the three-part structure of the repentant capitalist speech traces the steps toward capitalist conversion, which renders a company, or an industry, fit to lead a global transformation toward sustainability.

When I first heard the Baylone CEO's speech, this frank admission of fault gave me pause. Unaware of the similarities between his claims and discourses that circulated widely at corporate and financial events, I wondered who he aimed to convince: Shareholders? Employees? Potential clients? I have written elsewhere about the ways the Baylone employees rallied around the CEO's words, citing them in their slides, referencing his speech over lunchtime discussions (Yount-André, 2021). But the uptake of his message among shareholders and consumers tells a different story, revealing practical obstacles that impede the transformation to a sustainable economy promised in corporate and financial spheres.

Baylone had little trouble achieving a AAA ESG rating. Yet, narratives of sustainable capitalism remained central to company discourses, as the CEO set his sights on “stakeholder capitalism,” symbolized by the company's pursuit of “B-Corp” status, a private certification awarded to companies that demonstrate that they prioritize sustainability and the interests of nonfinancial stakeholders. Within Baylone, the CEO's message of sustainability had a palpable impact: it allowed him to advance through the corporate ranks and Baylone employees regularly voiced their alignment with the CEO's objectives in presentations, PowerPoints, and everyday discussion. But 1-year into the COVID pandemic, the CEO was ousted by the board of directors, under pressure from “activist investors” who blamed him for chronic underperformance.

Consumers remained skeptical of Baylone's efforts at sustainability, evidenced by lackluster sales and derisive reactions online to Baylone advertisements presenting its message of sustainability to the general public. Unlike its larger competitors, Nestle and Unilever, Baylone's commitment to sustainability was not accompanied by sales growth. The CEO may have convinced many of his peers and employees with his tale of redemption and revolution through sustainable capitalism but without financial returns it was all for naught. The CEO's removal sparked much debate in the business world. Journalists speculated about what it would mean for the future of stakeholder capitalism. LinkedIn users decried the company's choice to prioritize short-term profits over long-term solutions. Some pointed out that Baylone's 2020 performance was impressive according to accounting measures that treat social and environmental metrics as equally important as economic performance.

Whatever financiers’ narratives about sustainable finance say about the importance of nonfinancial variables in determining a company's value, by law, shareholder primacy reins. Benefits promised in narratives of sustainable capitalism all hinge on a scenario in which commitments to the environment are accompanied by boundless growth. In this system of private metrics and voluntary measures, the momentous task of managing the climate crisis is reduced to a side hustle for banks and businesses working to profit from crises of capitalism. Attending to the semiotic modes through which corporate and financial professionals “translate” the need for climate action into business terms reveals how their moral narratives obscure tensions inherent to this hierarchy of priorities. Framed as a responsibility that banks and businesses can no longer disregard, achieving planetary health and justice is recast as the self-evident domain of the private sector, to be managed by global economic elites with aims of capitalist accumulation.

"我们的地球:大到不能倒":资本主义应对气候变化的符号学
2020 年 9 月,《金融时报》举办了首届 "道德金钱峰会",全球关注可持续投资的商界和金融界领袖齐聚一堂。在这次在线活动中,世界自然基金会(WWF)可持续金融负责人首映了一部电影,强调 "自然对我们全球经济的重要性,以及如果我们选择忽视自然,我们的金融体系将面临的灾难性风险":我们的地球:大到不能倒》借用了 2008 年金融危机期间政府救助全球最大银行的用语,认为这些金融机构规模庞大、相互关联,它们的倒闭将意味着更大经济体系的消亡。这种文字游戏不仅向 "可持续发展 "专业人士的观众强调了气候行动的重要性,还引入了一种关于气候变化的叙事方式,将银行和企业视为实现地球健康和正义不可或缺的一部分。将 "大到不能倒 "的概念应用到自然界,片名宣布了贯穿影片的一种传播策略:将气候危机的利害关系 "翻译 "成金融行业的术语。"生态系统是资产。一位受访者称:"生态系统是资产,我们谈论的其实是资产管理问题。在冰川融化的画面上,影片以认罪开场,旁白宣称:"我们的金融业在不知不觉中资助了对其赖以生存的自然系统的破坏"。影片呼吁金融家纠正过去的错误行为,考虑非金融 "利益相关者 "的利益,并协助政府向可持续经济转型。"金融业应在管理气候变化方面发挥主导作用 "的说法是金融家为 "环境、社会和公司治理 "及其他形式的 "可持续 "投资的必要性辩护的核心内容(坎皮萨诺,2020 年)。ESG 是一种投资策略,建议在确定公司股票的价值时,将环境(E)、社会(S)和治理(G)问题的 "非财务 "数据纳入考虑。ESG 和其他标榜 "可持续 "的资产是通过金融化资本主义的语言实践出现的,这些实践反映了市场经济的假设并使之生动化,将与公共卫生或环境等相关的成本视为 "外部性",不需要在财务资产负债表上进行核算。因此,被视为 "非金融 "性质的有关公司环境和社会影响的信息似乎需要翻译,才能在金融化的资本主义体系中得到理解并付诸行动。因此,关于环境、社会和治理指标重要性的论点往往被认为是将气候科学家的警告 "翻译 "成金融语言。语言人类学家长期以来一直认为,翻译绝不仅仅是用不同的方式表达 "同一件事"。相反,它们是相互传播的成果,通过社会行动产生政治效果(Gal,2015 年)。对企业和金融领域气候变化传播模式的分析揭示了气候行动的未来是如何与全球金融的利益驱动网络纠缠在一起的。使用市场经济的术语来强调我们星球自然系统的重要性,乍看起来可能是另一个例子,说明在新自由主义时代,发言者是如何依赖资本主义语言来重视实践、生命形式和人格模式的(格申,2018)。但我认为,在有关可持续金融的论述中,这种 "翻译 "的效果至少在一个关键方面有所不同。环境、社会和治理的论点往往建立在这样一种主张之上,即气候危机已经变得如此严重,采取行动的需求如此迫切,以至于国家政府不再有能力独自管理,而是需要金融体系的资金和全球网络。这一论断标志着新自由主义原则的转变,即超越有限的政府监管,将金融行为者直接纳入治理,赋予银行和企业决定哪些气候行动值得资助的权力。ESG 的叙述,如世界自然基金会影片中的叙述,如何才能在承认金融业与环境退化同流合污的同时,宣称金融业应在管理气候危机方面发挥更有力的作用?我认为,这种话语上的飞跃在一定程度上是通过将这一信息定格为 "翻译 "而实现的。这些叙事以金融家的语言描述气候变化,主张气候科学家的紧迫性信息与市场资本主义语言(及其带来的估值体系)之间的可比性。演讲者使用金融术语来证明气候行动的合理性,他们参与了一种符号学实践,将地球健康同化为以市场为基础的计算模式。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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来源期刊
American Anthropologist
American Anthropologist ANTHROPOLOGY-
CiteScore
4.30
自引率
11.40%
发文量
114
期刊介绍: American Anthropologist is the flagship journal of the American Anthropological Association, reaching well over 12,000 readers with each issue. The journal advances the Association mission through publishing articles that add to, integrate, synthesize, and interpret anthropological knowledge; commentaries and essays on issues of importance to the discipline; and reviews of books, films, sound recordings and exhibits.
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