Patriarch Dioscorus of Alexandria: The Last Pharaoh and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Later Roman Empire by Volker L. Menze (review)

IF 0.5 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY
Mark DelCogliano
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He took center stage at the second Council of Ephesus in 449, the so-called <em>Latrocinium</em> (“Robber Synod”), but only two years later he was deposed and exiled at the Council of Chalcedon. While the miaphysite tradition has revered him as a saint from the immediate aftermath of the council to the present day, Chalcedonians have vilified him as a heretic (along with Eutyches), even though, as Menze points out repeatedly, Chalcedon did not condemn him as such. Menze’s book, the first English-language monograph on Dioscorus, attempts to reconstruct the historical Dioscorus and rescue him from caricatures on both sides. Why did Dioscorus fail so miserably when Cyril succeeded so spectacularly? Menze <strong>[End Page 479]</strong> holds that politics rather than theology is the key to understanding Dioscorus and his times. He does not see Chalcedon as inevitable because of some sort of unfinished christological business; rather, it was only made possible by the accession of Emperor Marcian, for whom reconciliation with Rome was a top priority. Menze argues that Dioscorus was not a savvy politician like Cyril and was sucked into the christological quarrels of his era reluctantly, more a pawn of Theodosius than an instigator. Dioscorus, furthermore, was no mere epigone of Cyril, but a prelate with his own concerns, an able administrator, and an ecclesiastical reformer: a Cyrillian theologically, but anti-Cyrillian politically. Menze also contends that there is no indication that Marcian ever wanted Dioscorus deposed; this is due solely to the bishop’s own political blunders.</p> <p>Menze begins with the Cyrillian legacy that Dioscorus inherited. He spends the bulk of the first chapter investigating the bribes that Cyril is known to have paid in Constantinople, arguing that these were paid in 432 (not earlier as is often held) because he remained theologically exposed by his Twelve Chapters. His goal was to get officials to cease making further demands on him and the Easterners regarding this issue. In this way, Cyril outmaneuvered John of Antioch and avoided retracting the Twelve Chapters. Menze calculated that the amount of gold Cyril paid would have exceeded the annual income of the Alexandrian church for several years, and so Cyril must have spent the accumulated savings of the church. In other words, Dioscorus inherited a massive debt upon becoming archbishop in 444. The Alexandrian clergy were impoverished, unhappy, and sought a change of direction.</p> <p>Accordingly, Menze next turns to Dioscorus’s election and early tenure as bishop, suggesting that Dioscorus was a senior deacon of good standing, widely respected and trusted by most clergy, who as archdeacon defended their interests and probably took charge of the see when Cyril was ill toward the end of his reign. As new bishop, he took action against members of Cyril’s family to whom the late archbishop appears to have diverted illegally church property and wealth. Menze thus sees the election of Dioscorus as a rebuke, with the clergy seeking someone to restore sound administration and financial health to the see after Cyril’s abuses. So, in the early years of his episcopacy, Dioscorus legitimately prosecuted Cyril’s family members for misappropriating church property, purged the clergy of Cyril’s family, and attempted administrative and financial reforms: all this is what Menze means when he describes Dioscorus as anti-Cyrillian politically.</p> <p>The third chapter examines Dioscorus’s role in the Eutychian affair, its aftermath, Ephesus II, and the lead-up to Chalcedon. Menze portrays Theodosius II as responsible for the renewed ecclesiastical quarrels of the late 440s and the Alexandrian bishop as his acquiescent “henchman.” Menze’s reconstruction of the Eutychian affair views Flavian of Constantinople as instigating Eusebius of Dorylaeum against Eutyches because the archimandrite was a political threat to him and his dyophysite allies who regarded the Reunion of 433 as the...</p> </p>","PeriodicalId":44662,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES","volume":"180 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5000,"publicationDate":"2024-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"JOURNAL OF EARLY CHRISTIAN STUDIES","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1353/earl.2024.a936771","RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"HISTORY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Reviewed by:

  • Patriarch Dioscorus of Alexandria: The Last Pharaoh and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Later Roman Empire by Volker L. Menze
  • Mark DelCogliano
Volker L. Menze
Patriarch Dioscorus of Alexandria: The Last Pharaoh and Ecclesiastical Politics in the Later Roman Empire Oxford Early Christian Studies
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2023
Pp. 240. $90.00.

Dioscorus of Alexandria was the immediate successor of Cyril, a tough act to follow. He took center stage at the second Council of Ephesus in 449, the so-called Latrocinium (“Robber Synod”), but only two years later he was deposed and exiled at the Council of Chalcedon. While the miaphysite tradition has revered him as a saint from the immediate aftermath of the council to the present day, Chalcedonians have vilified him as a heretic (along with Eutyches), even though, as Menze points out repeatedly, Chalcedon did not condemn him as such. Menze’s book, the first English-language monograph on Dioscorus, attempts to reconstruct the historical Dioscorus and rescue him from caricatures on both sides. Why did Dioscorus fail so miserably when Cyril succeeded so spectacularly? Menze [End Page 479] holds that politics rather than theology is the key to understanding Dioscorus and his times. He does not see Chalcedon as inevitable because of some sort of unfinished christological business; rather, it was only made possible by the accession of Emperor Marcian, for whom reconciliation with Rome was a top priority. Menze argues that Dioscorus was not a savvy politician like Cyril and was sucked into the christological quarrels of his era reluctantly, more a pawn of Theodosius than an instigator. Dioscorus, furthermore, was no mere epigone of Cyril, but a prelate with his own concerns, an able administrator, and an ecclesiastical reformer: a Cyrillian theologically, but anti-Cyrillian politically. Menze also contends that there is no indication that Marcian ever wanted Dioscorus deposed; this is due solely to the bishop’s own political blunders.

Menze begins with the Cyrillian legacy that Dioscorus inherited. He spends the bulk of the first chapter investigating the bribes that Cyril is known to have paid in Constantinople, arguing that these were paid in 432 (not earlier as is often held) because he remained theologically exposed by his Twelve Chapters. His goal was to get officials to cease making further demands on him and the Easterners regarding this issue. In this way, Cyril outmaneuvered John of Antioch and avoided retracting the Twelve Chapters. Menze calculated that the amount of gold Cyril paid would have exceeded the annual income of the Alexandrian church for several years, and so Cyril must have spent the accumulated savings of the church. In other words, Dioscorus inherited a massive debt upon becoming archbishop in 444. The Alexandrian clergy were impoverished, unhappy, and sought a change of direction.

Accordingly, Menze next turns to Dioscorus’s election and early tenure as bishop, suggesting that Dioscorus was a senior deacon of good standing, widely respected and trusted by most clergy, who as archdeacon defended their interests and probably took charge of the see when Cyril was ill toward the end of his reign. As new bishop, he took action against members of Cyril’s family to whom the late archbishop appears to have diverted illegally church property and wealth. Menze thus sees the election of Dioscorus as a rebuke, with the clergy seeking someone to restore sound administration and financial health to the see after Cyril’s abuses. So, in the early years of his episcopacy, Dioscorus legitimately prosecuted Cyril’s family members for misappropriating church property, purged the clergy of Cyril’s family, and attempted administrative and financial reforms: all this is what Menze means when he describes Dioscorus as anti-Cyrillian politically.

The third chapter examines Dioscorus’s role in the Eutychian affair, its aftermath, Ephesus II, and the lead-up to Chalcedon. Menze portrays Theodosius II as responsible for the renewed ecclesiastical quarrels of the late 440s and the Alexandrian bishop as his acquiescent “henchman.” Menze’s reconstruction of the Eutychian affair views Flavian of Constantinople as instigating Eusebius of Dorylaeum against Eutyches because the archimandrite was a political threat to him and his dyophysite allies who regarded the Reunion of 433 as the...

亚历山大的迪奥斯库鲁斯牧首:Volker L. Menze 著的《最后的法老与后罗马帝国的教会政治》(评论)
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:审阅者 亚历山大的迪奥斯库鲁斯牧首:亚历山大的迪奥斯库鲁斯牧首:最后的法老与后期罗马帝国的教会政治》,作者:Volker L. Menze Mark DelCogliano Volker L. Menze:最后的法老与后期罗马帝国的教会政治 牛津早期基督教研究 牛津:牛津大学出版社,2023 年,第 240 页。$90.00.亚历山大的迪奥斯库鲁斯是西里尔的直接继承人,是一个难以追随的人物。他在 449 年第二次以弗所会议(即所谓的 Latrocinium("强盗会议"))上占据了中心位置,但仅仅两年后,他就在卡尔西会议上被废黜并流放。从会议刚刚结束到现在,米亚菲斯派传统一直将他尊为圣人,而卡尔西顿派则将他诽谤为异端(与欧迪奇同为异端),尽管正如门泽反复指出的那样,卡尔西顿并没有将他定为异端。门泽的这本书是第一本关于迪奥斯库鲁斯的英文专著,试图重建历史上的迪奥斯库鲁斯,并将他从双方的讽刺中解救出来。为什么迪奥斯库鲁斯失败得如此凄惨,而西里尔却成功得如此惊人?门泽 [尾页 479]认为,政治而非神学是理解迪奥斯库鲁斯及其时代的关键。他并不认为卡尔西顿会议不可避免是因为某种未完成的基督教事业;相反,卡尔西顿会议之所以成为可能,是因为马尔西安皇帝的登基,对他来说,与罗马和解是头等大事。门泽认为,迪奥斯库鲁斯并不像西里尔那样是个精明的政治家,他是在不情愿的情况下卷入他所处时代的基督教争论的,与其说他是煽动者,不如说他是狄奥多西的棋子。此外,迪奥斯库鲁斯并不只是西里尔的外孙,而是一位有自己的关注点、有能力的管理者和教会改革者的主教:在神学上是西里尔派,但在政治上是反西里尔派的。Menze 还认为,没有迹象表明马尔奇安曾想废黜迪奥斯库鲁斯;这完全是主教自己的政治失误造成的。Menze 从 Dioscorus 继承的西里西亚遗产开始论述。他用第一章的大部分篇幅调查了众所周知的西里尔在君士坦丁堡行贿的情况,认为这些贿赂是在 432 年(而不是通常认为的更早)支付的,因为他的《十二章》在神学上仍然暴露无遗。他的目的是让官员们不再就这个问题向他和东方人提出进一步的要求。通过这种方式,西里尔战胜了安提阿的约翰,避免了收回《十二章》。根据门泽的计算,西里尔所支付的黄金数额将超过亚历山大教会数年的年收入,因此西里尔肯定花光了教会的积蓄。换句话说,迪奥斯库鲁斯在 444 年成为大主教后继承了巨额债务。亚历山大的教士们穷困潦倒、不甘寂寞,寻求改变方向。因此,门泽接下来谈到了迪奥斯库鲁斯的当选和早期主教任期,他认为迪奥斯库鲁斯是一位资历深厚的执事,广受大多数神职人员的尊重和信任,作为大执事,他维护了神职人员的利益,并很可能在西里尔统治末期生病时接管了教会。作为新任主教,他对西里尔家族的成员采取了行动,已故大主教似乎将教会财产和财富非法转移给了他们。因此,门泽认为迪奥斯库鲁斯的当选是一种斥责,教士们希望有人能在西里尔滥用职权后恢复教会的良好管理和财务状况。因此,在迪奥斯库鲁斯担任主教的最初几年,他合法地起诉了挪用教会财产的西里尔家族成员,清除了西里尔家族的神职人员,并尝试进行行政和财政改革:这就是门泽将迪奥斯库鲁斯描述为政治上反西里尔的原因。第三章探讨了迪奥斯库鲁斯在欧迪奇事件、其后果、以弗所二世以及卡尔西顿会议之前所扮演的角色。Menze 将狄奥多西二世描绘成对 440 年代末重新爆发的教会争吵负有责任的人,而亚历山大主教则是他默许的 "随从"。门泽对尤迪奇事件的重构认为,君士坦丁堡的弗拉维安唆使多里莱乌姆的尤西比乌反对尤迪奇,因为这位大主教对他和他的道菲派盟友构成了政治威胁,这些盟友将 433 年的统一视为......
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期刊介绍: The official publication of the North American Patristics Society (NAPS), the Journal of Early Christian Studies focuses on the study of Christianity in the context of late ancient societies and religions from c.e. 100-700. Incorporating The Second Century (an earlier publication), the Journal publishes the best of traditional patristics scholarship while showcasing articles that call attention to newer themes and methodologies than those appearing in other patristics journals. An extensive book review section is featured in every issue.
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