Head movement from non-complements: Evidence from Aleut

Abstract

The nature of head movement has been debated since its discovery (see Dékány 2018 for discussion). While it is generally agreed that head movement (the sort that results in the formation of complex heads) is subject to more stringent locality restrictions than phrasal movement, little else is uncontested. In this article, I will argue that a flexible (but literal) interpretation of Harizanov and Gribanova’s (2019) definition of head movement (more specifically, their “amalgamation”) is needed to account for the movement of suffixal adjectives (As) in Aleut. These As typically suffix to nominals, but under certain conditions surface in verbs between the root and agreement morphology. I show that these As base-generate as adjuncts of NPs and undergo head movement into the verbal complex. I then explore two theories of word-building which would require only phrasal movement on the part of suffixal As—based on ideas put forth in Julien (2002) and Compton and Pittman (2010)—and conclude that phrasal movement alone is too unrestricted to account for the phenomenon, overgenerating As in unacceptable sites. In contrast, previous theories of head movement are too restrictive, only permitting a head and the head of its complement to form a complex head (e.g., Travis 1984; Embick and Noyer 2001); this excludes heads in adjunct positions, like suffixal As, from participating. However, Harizanov and Gribanova’s definition of amalgamation, whereby heads Raise or Lower into the nearest c-commanding or c-commanded head, uniquely allows head movement to occur out of specifier positions and even adjunct positions. This comparative flexibility correctly permits Aleut suffixal As to form a complex head with verbal morphology, explaining their incorporation deep within the structure of the verbal complex.