Contesting "the Insatiable Maw of Capital": Mine Workers' Struggles in the Civil War Era

IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
Rosemary Feurer
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For that, they organized the state as a legitimate use of force and ushered in the Pinkertons as a private police force. By profiling Illinois miners and operators organizing during the Civil War era, this article adds to understanding the Civil War as a crucial period in working-class history.<sup>1</sup> The history of the AMA, left out of accounts of labor and Civil War histories of this era, shows a robust contest over the boundaries of free labor. These collective campaigns entwined with state-based rights campaigns for full citizenship for freed people.<sup>2</sup> Miner and operator class formation unfolded in relation to the Civil War and set the stage for postwar battles.</p> <p>The miners' movement in this era started in the Belleville coalfield track, which comprised St. Clair and Madison Counties across from St. Louis, Missouri. This area produced two-thirds of the Illinois coal sold in the 1860s. Illinois <strong>[End Page 17]</strong> coal extraction started an uptick in the late 1850s, following the Illinois Central Railroad. Coal lay beneath almost two-thirds of Illinois, but in the American Bottom on the bluffs along the Mississippi, it was nearer to the surface. Laborers had dug and carted it since the 1840s. While Chicago's coal came from established fields in Pennsylvania and Ohio in 1860, Belleville track coal fueled the developing industries in St. Louis, and those on the east side of the Mississippi. This led to sinking shafts just before the war. For that, coal operators hired miners from Great Britain, though with its seven-to-nine–foot-tall and dry seams, coal required less skill to extract. Among those who sought jobs were workers with union experience and with politically expansive ideas about the meaning of the war for workers.<sup>3</sup></p> <p>Belleville was a cosmopolitan German immigrant community fifteen miles from the Mississippi River border with Missouri. It was known as a freethinker's haven, \"ein kleines deutsches Athen in Amerika,\" in one scholar's description. German exiles from revolutions and others repulsed by slavery in Missouri found a refuge there. West Belleville, where the mines were located, included abolitionists. It is possible that the miners' union movement leaders traveled to the area knowing this reputation. Belleville provided an important community base for mineworker unionism in the United States.<sup>4</sup></p> <p>The leading figures in the miners' union were politically aware immigrant activists who moved to the Belleville area. 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The Miners Association, Britain's first national miners' union, became the strongest union in Great Britain in the aftermath until its demise in 1848.<sup>5</sup> <strong>[End Page 18]</strong></p> <p>Weaver, an intellectual force behind the Belleville drive for union, was a young (twenty-one years old) miner when the 1842 general strike started in Tunstall, Staffordshire, where he likely lived. This was one place where miners were also leaders of the Chartist movement. 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Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • Contesting "the Insatiable Maw of Capital"Mine Workers' Struggles in the Civil War Era
  • Rosemary Feurer (bio)

In 1861, immigrant Illinois coal miners organized a union and issued a manifesto that called for the emancipation of labor North and South. They simultaneously organized to send troops to the front. By 1863, they established the first national miners' union in the United States, the American Miners Association (AMA). Mine operators launched a countermovement to destroy the union and contested miners' capacious vision of free labor. For that, they organized the state as a legitimate use of force and ushered in the Pinkertons as a private police force. By profiling Illinois miners and operators organizing during the Civil War era, this article adds to understanding the Civil War as a crucial period in working-class history.1 The history of the AMA, left out of accounts of labor and Civil War histories of this era, shows a robust contest over the boundaries of free labor. These collective campaigns entwined with state-based rights campaigns for full citizenship for freed people.2 Miner and operator class formation unfolded in relation to the Civil War and set the stage for postwar battles.

The miners' movement in this era started in the Belleville coalfield track, which comprised St. Clair and Madison Counties across from St. Louis, Missouri. This area produced two-thirds of the Illinois coal sold in the 1860s. Illinois [End Page 17] coal extraction started an uptick in the late 1850s, following the Illinois Central Railroad. Coal lay beneath almost two-thirds of Illinois, but in the American Bottom on the bluffs along the Mississippi, it was nearer to the surface. Laborers had dug and carted it since the 1840s. While Chicago's coal came from established fields in Pennsylvania and Ohio in 1860, Belleville track coal fueled the developing industries in St. Louis, and those on the east side of the Mississippi. This led to sinking shafts just before the war. For that, coal operators hired miners from Great Britain, though with its seven-to-nine–foot-tall and dry seams, coal required less skill to extract. Among those who sought jobs were workers with union experience and with politically expansive ideas about the meaning of the war for workers.3

Belleville was a cosmopolitan German immigrant community fifteen miles from the Mississippi River border with Missouri. It was known as a freethinker's haven, "ein kleines deutsches Athen in Amerika," in one scholar's description. German exiles from revolutions and others repulsed by slavery in Missouri found a refuge there. West Belleville, where the mines were located, included abolitionists. It is possible that the miners' union movement leaders traveled to the area knowing this reputation. Belleville provided an important community base for mineworker unionism in the United States.4

The leading figures in the miners' union were politically aware immigrant activists who moved to the Belleville area. Three of them, Daniel Weaver, Thomas Lloyd, and Ralph Green, were from Staffordshire, England, which had been the seat of labor upheaval, influenced by Chartism. Staffordshire miners launched the General Strike of 1842, with working-class marches as long as seven miles, stopping in front of other mines, workshops, and factories—flying pickets, they were called—that appealed for solidarity as they advanced. These involved entire communities, including the unemployed, women and children, and grew to a half million workers across England and Wales. Observers such as Friedrich Engels thought the 1842 strike conveyed the potential of the working class as a force in history, though it was brutally repressed. The Miners Association, Britain's first national miners' union, became the strongest union in Great Britain in the aftermath until its demise in 1848.5 [End Page 18]

Weaver, an intellectual force behind the Belleville drive for union, was a young (twenty-one years old) miner when the 1842 general strike started in Tunstall, Staffordshire, where he likely lived. This was one place where miners were also leaders of the Chartist movement. Although we know little about his background, Weaver's writings as the first secretary of the miners' union in Belleville demonstrate that he had considered the potential role of the working class...

与 "资本贪得无厌的巨口 "抗争:内战时期矿工的斗争
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 与 "资本贪得无厌的巨口 "抗争 内战时期矿工的斗争 罗斯玛丽-费雷尔(简历 1861 年,伊利诺伊州的移民煤矿工人组织了一个工会,并发表宣言,呼吁解放南北方的劳工。与此同时,他们还组织军队开赴前线。1863 年,他们成立了美国第一个全国性矿工工会--美国矿工协会 (AMA)。矿山经营者发起了一场摧毁工会的反运动,并对矿工们自由劳动的远大理想提出了质疑。为此,他们把国家组织起来,将其作为合法使用武力的手段,并引入平克顿家族作为私人警察部队。通过介绍内战时期伊利诺伊州矿工和经营者的组织活动,本文进一步加深了对内战这一工人阶级历史关键时期的理解。2 矿工和经营者阶级的形成与南北战争有关,并为战后的斗争奠定了基础。这个时代的矿工运动始于贝尔维尔煤田,该地区包括密苏里州圣路易斯市对面的圣克莱尔县和麦迪逊县。19 世纪 60 年代,伊利诺伊州三分之二的煤炭都产自这一地区。伊利诺伊州 [第 17 页结束] 的煤炭开采在 19 世纪 50 年代末期随着伊利诺伊州中央铁路的开通而开始上升。伊利诺伊州几乎三分之二的地区地下都蕴藏着煤炭,但在密西西比河沿岸悬崖上的美国谷地,煤炭更接近地表。从19世纪40年代起,工人们就开始挖掘和运输煤炭。1860 年,芝加哥的煤炭来自宾夕法尼亚州和俄亥俄州的成熟煤田,而贝尔维尔的轨道煤则为圣路易斯和密西西比河东岸正在发展的工业提供燃料。这就导致了战前的挖煤工作。为此,煤炭经营者从英国雇佣了矿工,尽管煤炭有七到九英尺高,而且是干煤层,开采技术要求较低。3 贝尔维尔是一个国际化的德国移民社区,距离密西西比河与密苏里州交界处 15 英里。它被称为自由思想者的天堂,一位学者这样描述道:"它是美洲的一个小德意志雅典"。从革命中流亡的德国人和其他被密苏里州奴隶制排斥的人在这里找到了避难所。矿山所在的西贝尔维尔也有废奴主义者。矿工工会运动的领导者们可能就是知道这一名声才前往该地区的。贝尔维尔为美国矿工工会主义提供了一个重要的社区基地。4 矿工工会的主要人物都是移居贝尔维尔地区的具有政治意识的移民活动家。其中三人,丹尼尔-韦弗(Daniel Weaver)、托马斯-劳埃德(Thomas Lloyd)和拉尔夫-格林(Ralph Green)来自英国斯塔福德郡,该郡曾是受宪章主义影响而发生劳工动乱的地方。斯塔福德郡的矿工发起了 1842 年的大罢工,工人阶级的游行队伍长达 7 英里,在其他矿山、车间和工厂前停留,他们被称为 "飞行纠察队",一边前进一边呼吁团结。这些活动涉及整个社区,包括失业者、妇女和儿童,在英格兰和威尔士的工人人数增加到 50 万。弗里德里希-恩格斯等观察家认为,1842 年的罢工传达了工人阶级作为历史力量的潜力,尽管它遭到了残酷镇压。矿工协会是英国第一个全国性矿工工会,在罢工后成为英国最强大的工会,直到 1848 年解散。5 [第 18 页结束] 韦弗是贝尔维尔推动工会的知识分子,1842 年大罢工在斯塔福德郡的屯斯托尔开始时,他还是一名年轻的矿工(21 岁),他可能就住在那里。这里的矿工也是宪章派运动的领袖。虽然我们对他的背景知之甚少,但韦弗作为贝尔维尔矿工工会的第一任秘书所写的文章表明,他已经考虑过工人阶级的潜在作用......
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.20
自引率
0.00%
发文量
46
期刊介绍: Civil War History is the foremost scholarly journal of the sectional conflict in the United States, focusing on social, cultural, economic, political, and military issues from antebellum America through Reconstruction. Articles have featured research on slavery, abolitionism, women and war, Abraham Lincoln, fiction, national identity, and various aspects of the Northern and Southern military. Published quarterly in March, June, September, and December.
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