Protest and repression on social media: Pro-Navalny and pro-government mobilization dynamics and coordination patterns on Russian Twitter

Aytalina Kulichkina, Nicola Righetti, A. Waldherr
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Abstract

In this study, we examine connective protest mobilization and suppression during the 2021 protests in Russia. We use time series analysis to study the dynamic interplay between the pro-Navalny movement and pro-government countermovement on Twitter, complemented by network analyses of co-retweeting networks to assess the movements’ coordination patterns. Findings show that pro-Navalny accounts were more active and coordinated within more centralized Twitter networks than pro-government accounts. Contrarily, the pro-government camp employed preventive communication tactics and coordinated in more clustered networks. Granger causality tests reveal that pro-Navalny tweeting activity triggered increased pro-regime reaction during the largest protests on 23 January and 21 April, whereas pro-government tweeting activity caused the escalation of pro-Navalny reaction during the 14 February protests. Both sides’ tweeting activity decreased after the February protests, presumably due to external repression. These findings contribute to a deeper understanding of online mobilization and coordination strategies via social media in authoritarian contexts.
社交媒体上的抗议与镇压:俄罗斯 Twitter 上亲纳瓦尔尼派和亲政府派的动员动态和协调模式
在本研究中,我们考察了俄罗斯 2021 年抗议活动期间的联动抗议动员和镇压情况。我们使用时间序列分析来研究推特上亲纳瓦尼运动和亲政府反运动之间的动态相互作用,并辅以共同转发网络分析来评估运动的协调模式。研究结果表明,与亲政府账户相比,亲纳瓦尼账户在更为集中的推特网络中更为活跃和协调。相反,亲政府阵营则采用了预防性传播策略,并在更集中的网络中进行协调。格兰杰因果关系检验表明,在 1 月 23 日和 4 月 21 日最大规模的抗议活动中,亲纳瓦利内的推特活动引发了更多亲政府的反应,而在 2 月 14 日的抗议活动中,亲政府的推特活动则导致了亲纳瓦利内反应的升级。2 月抗议活动结束后,双方的推特活动都有所减少,这可能是由于外部镇压所致。这些发现有助于加深对专制背景下通过社交媒体进行在线动员和协调策略的理解。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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