Self-Defense and Political Rage

Erin Sheley
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Abstract

This Article considers how American political polarization and the substantive issues driving it raise unique challenges for adjudicating self-defense claims in contexts of political protest. We live in an age where roughly a quarter of the population believes it is at least sometimes justifiable to use violence in defense of political positions, making political partisans somewhat more likely to pose a genuine threat of bodily harm to opponents. Furthermore, the psychological literature shows that people are more likely to perceive threats from people with whom they politically disagree and that juries tend to evaluate reasonableness claims according to their own political positions. All three of these phenomena create challenges for the rule of law due to the increased risk that factually similar cases will turn out differently and that the justice system will merely recreate the monomaniacal, us-versus-them polarization of society at large. This Article surveys the relevant political science and psychological literature on partisanship and reasoning and proposes two interrelated solutions: one pragmatic, at the level of individual trials, and the other cultural, at the level of social discourse. It suggests that judges import what we know about the distortive effects of partisanship into the courtroom through the use of court-appointed psychological experts and jury instructions. Both have shown some success—if tailored precisely to the facts of a specific case—in correcting some forms of juror bias and reasoning errors. This Article further argues that incorporating these processes into the adjudication of politicized self-defense claims will have a broader, expressive value for society as a whole. Trials provide a model for truth-finding, which, for better or for worse, impacts how private citizens evaluate culpability in their day-to-day lives. If trials draw even some people’s attention to the ways in which partisan thinking can generate or justify acts of violence, they may be a force for moderation in how people deal with their political disagreements, which will have benefits far beyond the courtroom.
自卫与政治愤怒
本文探讨了美国政治两极分化及其背后的实质性问题如何对政治抗议背景下的自卫主张裁决提出了独特的挑战。在我们生活的时代,大约四分之一的人认为至少有时使用暴力捍卫政治立场是正当的,这使得政治党派人士更有可能对反对者构成真正的人身伤害威胁。此外,心理学文献表明,人们更容易从与自己政见不同的人那里感受到威胁,而且陪审团倾向于根据自己的政治立场来评估合理性主张。所有这三种现象都给法治带来了挑战,因为事实相似的案件会有不同结果的风险增加,而司法系统只会重现整个社会的一元化、我们对他们的两极分化。本文研究了关于党派和推理的相关政治学和心理学文献,并提出了两个相互关联的解决方案:一个是个人审判层面的实用主义解决方案,另一个是社会话语层面的文化解决方案。它建议法官通过使用法庭指定的心理专家和陪审团指令,将我们所了解的党派纷争的扭曲效应引入法庭。这两种方法都取得了一定的成功--如果能够精确地根据具体案件的事实进行调整--可以纠正陪审员某些形式的偏见和推理错误。本文进一步认为,将这些程序纳入政治化的自辩主张的裁决中,将对整个社会具有更广泛的表达价值。审判为真相调查提供了一种模式,无论好坏,它都会影响公民个人在日常生活中对罪责的评估。如果审判甚至能让一些人注意到党派思维如何产生暴力行为或为暴力行为辩护,那么审判就可能成为一种力量,促使人们在处理政治分歧时保持温和,其益处将远远超出法庭的范围。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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