Rethinking American Jewish Emancipation: New Views on George Washington's Newport Letter

IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY
John M. Dixon
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They incrementally earned de facto and de jure civil rights in Dutch, English, and British North America by lobbying authorities on both sides of the Atlantic, fighting court cases, and through their everyday practices. These rights allowed residency, a range of occupations, open religious worship, property ownership, and legal status in courts as witnesses and plaintiffs. Still, many colonial North American Jews were prohibited from holding public office and voting.<sup>2</sup> Political equality therefore arrived in North America only after the Revolution, with the federal Constitution of 1787, ratification of the Bill of Rights in 1791, and various constitutional developments at the state level delivering full citizenship to most Jewish adult men in the United States by the 1830s. In standard American Jewish historiography, this achievement of civil and political rights functions as a major teleological outcome of the pre-1840 period.<sup>3</sup></p> <p>A well-established sequence of primary sources undergirds this conventional narrative of American Jewish emancipation.<sup>4</sup> Starting with <strong>[End Page 731]</strong> mid–seventeenth-century documents such as the 1655 petition of Amsterdam Jewish leaders to the Dutch West India Company that prevented an expulsion of Jews from New Netherland and a successful 1657 Jewish request for burgher rights in New Amsterdam, the sequence runs through New York's 1777 state constitution to Maryland's 1826 \"Jew Bill,\" or \"Act to extend to the sect of people professing the Jewish religion, the same rights and privileges enjoyed by Christians.\"<sup>5</sup> President George Washington's 1790 letter to the Jews of Newport, Rhode Island stands out as the major highlight of the series and firmly attaches the history of American Jewish emancipation to that of the United States. A quotable founding-era declaration of religious freedom and Jewish inclusion, it contains what is surely the most famous sentence in early American Jewish history: \"For happily the Government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens, in giving it on all occasions their effectual support.\"<sup>6</sup></p> <p>After going unquestioned for decades, this traditional understanding of American Jewish emancipation is finally coming under pressure as studies of comparative and Atlantic Jewish history challenge old nationalist assumptions and priorities. Jewish emancipation in the United States no longer seems patently exceptional.<sup>7</sup> Indeed, David Sorkin's masterful 2019 survey, <em>Jewish Emancipation: A History Across Five Centuries</em>, <strong>[End Page 732]</strong> indicates that early modern American and Western European patterns of Jewish emancipation were fundamentally alike because Jews around the Atlantic littoral achieved civil rights with relative ease as they resettled in the West and then struggled more intensely to acquire political rights.<sup>8</sup> Meanwhile, newer scholarship on early American and Atlantic Jewish history has begun to reframe American Jewish emancipation as a hemispheric rather than a national phenomenon. This work reveals important differences between Western European and American emancipation that Sorkin's sweeping, five-century global analysis can only mention in passing. 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Abstract

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • Rethinking American Jewish Emancipation:New Views on George Washington's Newport Letter1
  • John M. Dixon (bio)

The idea that Jews overcame civil and political disabilities to achieve full citizenship status in the early United States is a central organizing principle of American Jewish historiography. Convention holds that North American Jews progressed steadily toward legal equality after first arriving in New Netherland in 1654. They incrementally earned de facto and de jure civil rights in Dutch, English, and British North America by lobbying authorities on both sides of the Atlantic, fighting court cases, and through their everyday practices. These rights allowed residency, a range of occupations, open religious worship, property ownership, and legal status in courts as witnesses and plaintiffs. Still, many colonial North American Jews were prohibited from holding public office and voting.2 Political equality therefore arrived in North America only after the Revolution, with the federal Constitution of 1787, ratification of the Bill of Rights in 1791, and various constitutional developments at the state level delivering full citizenship to most Jewish adult men in the United States by the 1830s. In standard American Jewish historiography, this achievement of civil and political rights functions as a major teleological outcome of the pre-1840 period.3

A well-established sequence of primary sources undergirds this conventional narrative of American Jewish emancipation.4 Starting with [End Page 731] mid–seventeenth-century documents such as the 1655 petition of Amsterdam Jewish leaders to the Dutch West India Company that prevented an expulsion of Jews from New Netherland and a successful 1657 Jewish request for burgher rights in New Amsterdam, the sequence runs through New York's 1777 state constitution to Maryland's 1826 "Jew Bill," or "Act to extend to the sect of people professing the Jewish religion, the same rights and privileges enjoyed by Christians."5 President George Washington's 1790 letter to the Jews of Newport, Rhode Island stands out as the major highlight of the series and firmly attaches the history of American Jewish emancipation to that of the United States. A quotable founding-era declaration of religious freedom and Jewish inclusion, it contains what is surely the most famous sentence in early American Jewish history: "For happily the Government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens, in giving it on all occasions their effectual support."6

After going unquestioned for decades, this traditional understanding of American Jewish emancipation is finally coming under pressure as studies of comparative and Atlantic Jewish history challenge old nationalist assumptions and priorities. Jewish emancipation in the United States no longer seems patently exceptional.7 Indeed, David Sorkin's masterful 2019 survey, Jewish Emancipation: A History Across Five Centuries, [End Page 732] indicates that early modern American and Western European patterns of Jewish emancipation were fundamentally alike because Jews around the Atlantic littoral achieved civil rights with relative ease as they resettled in the West and then struggled more intensely to acquire political rights.8 Meanwhile, newer scholarship on early American and Atlantic Jewish history has begun to reframe American Jewish emancipation as a hemispheric rather than a national phenomenon. This work reveals important differences between Western European and American emancipation that Sorkin's sweeping, five-century global analysis can only mention in passing. Specifically, it emphasizes that American Jewish emancipation took place in un-European slave societies, colonies, and newly formed nations, as well as that it intersected with contemporaneous contests over the civil and political rights of women, Catholics, and free people of African descent.9

A third principal insight to be gleaned from recent comparative and Atlantic scholarship is that early American Jews usually did not acquire rights from stable, self-contained, liberal, modern nation-states, but from entangled and unreliable imperial and early national polities.10 Washington's Newport letter takes on a new hue when examined in this light. [End Page 733] Rather than appearing as a fresh, forward-looking signal of the United States's rise as an inclusive, durable, liberal democracy, it calls to mind over 150 years of imperial warfare, impermanent charters of...

反思美国犹太人解放:关于乔治-华盛顿新港信函的新观点
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要: 重新思考美国犹太人的解放:关于乔治-华盛顿新港信件的新观点1 约翰-M.-迪克森(John M. Dixon)(简历) 犹太人克服民事和政治障碍,在美国早期获得正式公民身份的观点是美国犹太史学的核心组织原则。公约》认为,北美犹太人在 1654 年首次抵达新荷兰后,逐步实现了法律平等。他们通过游说大西洋两岸的当局、打官司以及日常实践,逐步赢得了荷属、英属和英属北美地区事实上和法律上的公民权利。这些权利允许犹太人居住、从事各种职业、公开进行宗教礼拜、拥有财产以及在法庭上作为证人和原告的合法地位。2 因此,政治平等只是在大革命之后才在北美实现,1787 年联邦宪法、1791 年批准的《权利法案》以及各州的各种宪法发展,到 19 世纪 30 年代,美国大多数犹太成年男子都获得了正式公民身份。在标准的美国犹太史学中,这一公民权利和政治权利的实现是 1840 年前的主要目的论成果。4 从阿姆斯特丹犹太人领袖 1655 年向荷兰西印度公司请愿阻止将犹太人驱逐出新荷兰以及 1657 年犹太人成功要求获得新阿姆斯特丹市镇居民权利等十七世纪中期的文件开始,这一序列贯穿纽约州 1777 年的州宪法到马里兰州 1826 年的 "犹太人法案",即 "给予信奉犹太教的教派与基督徒享有同等权利和特权的法案"。乔治-华盛顿总统 1790 年写给罗德岛纽波特犹太人的信 "5 是该丛书的一大亮点,它将美国犹太人解放的历史与美国的历史牢牢地联系在一起。这封信是建国时期关于宗教自由和犹太人融入社会的宣言,其中包含了美国早期犹太人历史上最著名的一句话:"美国政府不支持偏执,不帮助迫害,只要求在其保护下生活的人们以良好公民的姿态,在任何情况下都给予政府有效的支持。"6 这种对美国犹太人解放的传统理解几十年来一直没有受到质疑,随着对比较和大西洋犹太人历史的研究对旧的民族主义假设和优先事项提出挑战,这种传统理解终于受到了压力。7 事实上,大卫-索金(David Sorkin)在 2019 年出版的巨著《犹太人解放》(Jewish Emancipation:7 事实上,大卫-索金(David Sorkin)的 2019 年巨著《犹太人解放:跨越五个世纪的历史》(Jewish Emancipation: A History Across Five Centuries)[尾页 732]指出,近代早期美国和西欧的犹太人解放模式从根本上说是相同的,因为大西洋沿岸的犹太人在西方定居后相对容易地获得了公民权利,然后更加努力地争取政治权利。这些研究揭示了西欧和美国解放运动之间的重要差异,而索金对五个世纪的全球分析却只能一带而过。具体地说,它强调美国犹太人的解放发生在非欧洲的奴隶社会、殖民地和新成立的国家,并与同时代关于妇女、天主教徒和非洲裔自由人的公民权利和政治权利的争论交织在一起。从最近的比较和大西洋学术研究中获得的第三个主要启示是,早期美国犹太人通常不是从稳定、自足、自由的现代民族国家获得权利,而是从纠缠不清、不可靠的帝国和早期国家政体中获得权利。10 从这个角度来看,华盛顿的纽波特之信就有了新的色彩。[第 733 页末]它不是作为美国作为一个包容的、持久的自由民主国家崛起的一个崭新的、前瞻性的信号出现,而是让人想起 150 多年的帝国战争、......无常的宪章。
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来源期刊
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期刊介绍: American Jewish History is the official publication of the American Jewish Historical Society, the oldest national ethnic historical organization in the United States. The most widely recognized journal in its field, AJH focuses on every aspect ofthe American Jewish experience. Founded in 1892 as Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, AJH has been the journal of record in American Jewish history for over a century, bringing readers all the richness and complexity of Jewish life in America through carefully researched, thoroughly accessible articles.
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